In the field of environmental migration studies, research on social consequences of  development projects has received limited attention. The study highlights the rise of “green grabbing,” e.g., the appropriation of land in the name of climate change mitigation. While there is existing research on the environmental and economic effects of green grabbing, its influence on migration outcomes remains understudied. To address this research gap, the study conducts an exploratory case study of Colombia, a country plagued by internal displacement. It investigates the correlation between green grabbing and internal displacement, considering socioeconomic and political factors. By combining statistical and historical analyses within the world-system theory and the political ecological approach, the research uncovers structural patterns in Colombia and sheds light on the intricate relationship between environmental initiatives and internal displacement, emphasizing the pursuit of profit within the capitalist world-system. Future research directions suggest the use of mediation analysis and qualitative investigation of policy narratives in climate change and migration.

Georgia, the Post-Soviet, transition country with struggling economy and territorial disputes has been dealing with forced migration since 1990s. In 2008, the country experienced another internal displacement wave and about 30,000 people were forced to flee from their homes. The state constructed compact IDP settlements and provided housing to affected households. After more than a decade, there is a significant gap in economic livelihoods of the IDP households in those settlements. The location and the size of the IDP settlements has had impact on the economics of IDP population and acted as main drivers of inequalities in integration across the settlements of forcibly displaced persons. The thesis will explore how the settlement facilitates or hampers employment and income-generation process for IDPs.  The conceptual framework utilized will be the combination of asset-based approach and cumulative disadvantage theory, push and pull factors theory of migration and the three key framework dimensions of camp design. The methodology used will include primary data collection through semi-structured interviews, secondary data collection through scholarly articles and reports, and the analysis and discussion of both.

This thesis examines the approaches taken by the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) and the Office of the High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) to the protection of civilians during internal armed conflict, both at the level of global policy and at the level of implementation in the Colombian context. The thesis explains how the ICRC and UNHCR approach protection, why each has adopted its particular approach, and how and why the effectiveness of each approach is limited. In doing so, it offers a theoretical framework for explaining the approaches taken by international organizations (IOs) to new tasks within their mandates as well as policy implications for the ICRC, UNHCR and other humanitarian agencies. From a theoretical perspective, this research shows that factors internal to the IO carry greater explanatory power than external factors. Most significantly, when an IO expands into a new issue-area, it frames the new task in terms of the existing tasks within its mandate, replicating the specific goals and the means of pursuing those goals. The extent to which the approach is then adapted to the specificities of the new issue-area depends on the ‘bureaucratic personality’ of the IO, and specifically the extent to which decisions are informed by field-level experience. Internal conflicts by definition include armed non-state actors, and the analysis in this thesis emphasises both their significance in determining civilian security and their neglect in existing approaches to protection. While the ICRC seeks to reduce the threat posed by all armed actors (state and non-state) in its work at the field level, it relies heavily on an international legal framework which prioritises states and this partially undermines its attention to non-state actors at the field level. UNHCR retains a state-centric focus at both the field level and the level of global policy. From a policy perspective, therefore, the thesis advocates greater attention to armed non-state actors both at the level of practice and in the development of protection norms.

O deslocamento forçado na Colômbia entendido como as migrações de pessoas dentro das fronteiras do país geradas ou forçadas pelas ações de violência dos grupos armados colombianos, posiciona hoje o país como o segundo no mundo com o maior numero de pessoas deslocadas forçosamente depois da Síria -segundo o relatório do Centro de Monitoramento do Deslocamento Interno (IDMC, na sigla em inglês) (2015). Desde 1985 a 1º de agosto de 2016, 7.844.527 pessoas têm sido deslocadas no país segundo o Governo da Colômbia, quase 15% da população total na atualidade. Nesta pesquisa se analisa a partir de uma perspectiva espacial o deslocamento forçado na Colômbia analisando através do mapa as relações entre conflitos sociais e espaço geográfico. São representadas e modelizadas as características e dinâmicas do fenômeno ao longo do tempo a partir de diferentes técnicas do mapeamento e da modelização gráfica. Paralelamente, é desenvolvido um estudo da evolução espaço-tempo do fenômeno social utilizando econometria espacial para estabelecer as correlações espaciais entre deslocamento e conflito armado, a partir de uma abordagem estatística. E num terceiro componente desta pesquisa, se desenvolve uma análise da política pública do Governo da Colômbia que responde às vítimas da violência no marco do conflito armado, incorporando como ferramenta de análise a cartografia produzida nesta pesquisa. Como parte dos resultados se constata que o deslocamento forçado é um fenômeno dinâmico que não se distribui aleatoriamente no espaço e pelo contrario apresenta concentração espacial. A cartografia mostra que o deslocamento não tem tido o mesmo comportamento ao longo dos anos, as migrações de pessoas têm diminuído no norte do país incrementando o volume no oriente e pacífico sul, aproximadamente a partir de 2008 quando este conduta se acentua. Da mesma forma se evidencia que os principais destinos da população deslocada são os polos econômicos e populacionais do país, onde geralmente a oferta de programas de atenção e reparação a vítimas é maior. / Forced displacement in Colombia, understood as the migrations of people within the borders of the country generated or forced by the violent actions of the Colombian armed groups, making it the country with the second highest number of internally displaced people in the world after Syria - according to the report from the Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre (IDMC) (2015). Since 1985 to August 1st 2016, 7.844.527 persons have been displaced in the country according the Government of Colombia (GoC), almost 12 percent of the current Colombia\'s population. In this study is analyzed the internal displacement in Colombia using a spatial perspective, where through the map is analyzed the relations between social conflicts and geographic space. The characteristics and dynamics of the phenomenon are represented and modeled over time from different techniques of mapping and graphic modeling. In parallel, is developed a study of the space-time evolution of the social phenomenon using spatial econometrics to establish the spatial correlations between displacement and armed conflict, from a statistical approach. And in a third component of this research, is developed an analysis of the public policy of the Government of Colombia for attention of the violence\'s victims within the framework of the armed conflict, incorporating as tool of analysis the cartography produced in this research. As part of the results it is verified that the forced displacement is a dynamic phenomenon that is not distributed randomly in space and on the contrary presents a spatial concentration. The cartography shows that the displacement has not had the same behavior over the years; the migrations of people have diminished in the north of the country, increasing the volume in the east and pacific south, approximately from 2008 when this trend is accentuated. In the same way, it is evident that the main destinations of the displaced population are the economic centers and main cities of the country, where the offer of programs of attention and reparation to victims is greater.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-06-02T19:24:45Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 1638.pdf: 2449937 bytes, checksum: 9ada971042e6ba10bfb9815b66e9c98c (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007-12-06 / Financiadora de Estudos e Projetos / The history of Colombia is characterized by violent processes of population expulsion that date back half of the twentieth century and which has been deepened as a consequence of internal armed conflict which resumes in 90´s. Since 1985 until nowadays, 3,700,000 people have been displaced. Who is obliged to flee, leaves rural areas to the cities closest to his place of housing. However, the deepening of the conflict is forcing people continue moving to the big cities, where are greater opportunities for anonymity. Thus, considering the peculiarities of internal displacement, we proposed to characterize -from the perception of actors- the personal networks of a group of migrants by the internal armed conflict, which today live in neighborhoods of Ciudad Bolivar in Bogotá. This is, the way of the networks act, are affected and rebuilt on the migratory path. Our aim was evident if, in the same way as it happens with other types of migration, there is a logic of communication, permanence, re-configuration and organization of social networks; In addition to describe the situations that facilitate, influence or limit these processes. The methodology of research emphasized on record -in a notebook and a record- the comments made by people and the narratives during the contact with the researcher in informal and formal interviews. The configuration of personal networks was complemented with the application of a survey. As a result of search, we can say that there is a logical of networks in time to elect Bogotá as destination. Usually, relatives or acquaintances, whose migrated before - because of the violence or economic reasons- or there is a previous experience housing in Bogotá. These links are essential in processes of adaptation to city. With the coexistence in the city, displaced persons will meet neighbors, coworkers, employees of NGOs and institutions of the state, which will be adding to the range of their relationships. However, violence, fear and distrust are some factors that influence the incorporation of new ties and the preservation of ancient, affecting the dynamics and the configuration of networks / A história da Colômbia se caracteriza por violentos processos de expulsão de população que datam da metade do século XX, e que têm se aprofundado como conseqüência do conflito armado interno que recomeça na década de 90. Estatisticamente, desde o ano de 1985 até hoje são 3.700.000 pessoas que têm se deslocado. Quem está obrigado a fugir, sai das zonas rurais até os municípios mais próximos de seu lugar de moradia. No entanto, o aprofundamento do conflito obriga as pessoas a continuarem se deslocando até as grandes cidades onde são maiores as possibilidades de anonimato. Assim, considerando as particularidades do deslocamento interno, se propôs caracterizar a partir da percepção dos atores a forma como as redes pessoais de um grupo de migrantes advindos do conflito armado interno que, hoje, moram nos bairros da subprefeitura de Ciudad Bolívar, em Bogotá agem, se afetam e se reconstroem na trajetória migratória. Nosso intuito era evidenciar se, da mesma maneira como acontece com outros tipos de migração, há uma lógica de comunicação, permanência, reconfiguração e organização das redes sociais; além de descrever as situações que facilitam, condicionam ou limitam estes processos. A metodologia de pesquisa enfatizou o registro em caderno de campo e mediante gravação das observações e narrativas feitas pelas pessoas durante os contatos com a pesquisadora, em entrevistas informais e em profundidade. A configuração das redes pessoais foi complementada com a aplicação de um survey. Como resultado da pesquisa, podemos dizer que existe uma lógica de redes na hora de eleger Bogotá como destino, geralmente porque há familiares ou conhecidos que migraram antes por causa da violência ou por razões econômicas ou porque existe uma experiência prévia de moradia ou contato com Bogotá. Estes laços constituem-se chave nos processos de adaptação à cidade. Com o convívio na cidade, as pessoas deslocadas vão conhecendo vizinhos, colegas de trabalho, funcionários de ONGs ou de instituições do Estado, que vão se adicionando ao seu leque de relacionamentos. No entanto, a violência, o medo e a desconfiança são alguns fatores que condicionam a incorporação de novos laços e a conservação de antigos, afetando a dinâmica e a configuração das redes destes migrantes

O deslocamento forçado na Colômbia entendido como as migrações de pessoas dentro das fronteiras do país geradas ou forçadas pelas ações de violência dos grupos armados colombianos, posiciona hoje o país como o segundo no mundo com o maior numero de pessoas deslocadas forçosamente depois da Síria -segundo o relatório do Centro de Monitoramento do Deslocamento Interno (IDMC, na sigla em inglês) (2015). Desde 1985 a 1º de agosto de 2016, 7.844.527 pessoas têm sido deslocadas no país segundo o Governo da Colômbia, quase 15% da população total na atualidade. Nesta pesquisa se analisa a partir de uma perspectiva espacial o deslocamento forçado na Colômbia analisando através do mapa as relações entre conflitos sociais e espaço geográfico. São representadas e modelizadas as características e dinâmicas do fenômeno ao longo do tempo a partir de diferentes técnicas do mapeamento e da modelização gráfica. Paralelamente, é desenvolvido um estudo da evolução espaço-tempo do fenômeno social utilizando econometria espacial para estabelecer as correlações espaciais entre deslocamento e conflito armado, a partir de uma abordagem estatística. E num terceiro componente desta pesquisa, se desenvolve uma análise da política pública do Governo da Colômbia que responde às vítimas da violência no marco do conflito armado, incorporando como ferramenta de análise a cartografia produzida nesta pesquisa. Como parte dos resultados se constata que o deslocamento forçado é um fenômeno dinâmico que não se distribui aleatoriamente no espaço e pelo contrario apresenta concentração espacial. A cartografia mostra que o deslocamento não tem tido o mesmo comportamento ao longo dos anos, as migrações de pessoas têm diminuído no norte do país incrementando o volume no oriente e pacífico sul, aproximadamente a partir de 2008 quando este conduta se acentua. Da mesma forma se evidencia que os principais destinos da população deslocada são os polos econômicos e populacionais do país, onde geralmente a oferta de programas de atenção e reparação a vítimas é maior. / Forced displacement in Colombia, understood as the migrations of people within the borders of the country generated or forced by the violent actions of the Colombian armed groups, making it the country with the second highest number of internally displaced people in the world after Syria - according to the report from the Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre (IDMC) (2015). Since 1985 to August 1st 2016, 7.844.527 persons have been displaced in the country according the Government of Colombia (GoC), almost 12 percent of the current Colombia\'s population. In this study is analyzed the internal displacement in Colombia using a spatial perspective, where through the map is analyzed the relations between social conflicts and geographic space. The characteristics and dynamics of the phenomenon are represented and modeled over time from different techniques of mapping and graphic modeling. In parallel, is developed a study of the space-time evolution of the social phenomenon using spatial econometrics to establish the spatial correlations between displacement and armed conflict, from a statistical approach. And in a third component of this research, is developed an analysis of the public policy of the Government of Colombia for attention of the violence\'s victims within the framework of the armed conflict, incorporating as tool of analysis the cartography produced in this research. As part of the results it is verified that the forced displacement is a dynamic phenomenon that is not distributed randomly in space and on the contrary presents a spatial concentration. The cartography shows that the displacement has not had the same behavior over the years; the migrations of people have diminished in the north of the country, increasing the volume in the east and pacific south, approximately from 2008 when this trend is accentuated. In the same way, it is evident that the main destinations of the displaced population are the economic centers and main cities of the country, where the offer of programs of attention and reparation to victims is greater.

Cette recherche espère apporter quelques éléments nouveaux à la réflexion critique sur les migrations forcées intra-muros. Ce phénomène a été défini par la Cour Constitutionnelle comme une émergence sociale, et, par la littérature internationale et nationale, comme un problème des droits de l’homme et de droit international humanitaire. Notre étude concerne le rôle de la Cour Constitutionnelle face au déplacement colombien en tant que régulatrice des politiques publiques: il s’agit de démontrer que le juge constitutionnel colombien joue un rôle sui-generis, par rapport au traditionnel travail mis en place par le juge constitutionnel dans les systèmes de Western Legal Tradition. L’idée principale de ce travail est celle de souligner son hyper activisme, dans le cadre d’une démocratie qui fait face à un conflit armé interne. Cette compétence, qui avec le temps s’est consolidée dans la pratique constitutionnelle colombienne, peut être expliquée au travers du manque de volonté politique des autres pouvoirs de l’Etat pour mettre en place des politiques publiques dans certains domaines, davantage dans le domaine économique que dans celui des droits sociaux. Cette expérience pourrait envisager une nouvelle conception de démocratie à niveau global, dans laquelle la Cour Constitutionnelle fait pression sur les autres pouvoirs publics afin d’avancer, de facto, sur le plan de la protection des droits fondamentaux des victimes des violations des droits, et pourrait être un modèle pour d’autres pays qui vivent le drame du déplacement forcé. / The thesis’ aim is to focus on the subject of internally displaced persons, IDPs, in Colombia. In particular, this paper seeks to underline the special role played by the Constitutional Court in defending the fundamental rights of IDPs, both as a judge and a public political actor. Colombia has the second highest number of IDPs in the world, making it a crucial social problem for human rights and humanitarian law. The Colombian constitutional judge declared the « estado de cosas inconstitucional » vis-à-vis the IDPs situation: this refers to the fact that internal displacement is a dramatic situation that needs the intervention of many public institutions to be solved. In this thesis I’ll state that Colombian Constitutional court became, de facto, a sort of public policies maker, in order to guarantee the rights to be effective. In particular, since 2004 it is becoming a real policy maker, editing a log of follow-up decisions to the T! -025 sentence, including specific orders to the local and national authorities, to protect the IDPs’ rights. In particular, the Constitutional court stated a « special constitutional protection » for victims of displacement including children, women, afro Colombian community, indigenous communities, and disabled people. We consider Colombia a relevant case of study, with both a well-developed legal system of protection of IDPs and a sui generis Constitutional judge hyperactivisme that may be considered as a model for others countries dealing with an internal conflict, but relying on a firm institutional framework.

This dissertation explores the implications of borders and boundaries for how forcibly displaced young Georgians from Abkhazia understand issues of belonging and return. My theoretical framework draws from theories on home and belonging as well as theories on border and boundary making, and locates them in geographies of uncertainty – or riskscapes – areas characterized by conflict and/or inequality. Empirical data was collected through two sets of interviews in Zugdidi near the border to Abkhazia and a questionnaire survey in Zugdidi and the capital Tbilisi. These data have been analysed through both qualitative and quantitative methods.   The young respondents providing material for this research do not constitute a homogenous group. Some of the respondents have family still living in Abkhazia or even partly grew up in the area; others have never been there. The primary goal of the Georgian government has been that the displaced population should return to their homes, and the government’s efforts for local integration has long been insufficient. Since no peace accords have been signed, a lack of security prevents a large-scale return. Notwithstanding increased border controls that have made it difficult to visit former homes, some young people still cross the de facto border. By doing this they contest both the Abkhazian de facto authorities and the border as a symbol of separation and differentiation, while claiming a right to belong in Abkhazia. Property and social relations in Abkhazia contribute to stronger connections and an imperative to return. On the other hand, experience of hardship in contemporary Abkhazia has resulted in some young people not considering return as a viable option. Youth who never visited Abkhazia depend mainly on other peoples’ memories and political discourse to create emotional bonds to the area their parents fled and to form their ideas of return. Results from the quantitative survey indicate that youth living in Tbilisi, closer to the political centre, to a higher extent intend to return than their peers in Zugdidi. Meanwhile young people’s experiences of everyday life in current dwellings in relative stability create emotional bonds to their present place of living. These experiences challenge both collective processes and experiences from Abkhazia when it comes to maintaining the desire to return.   This research offers insights into the human consequences of war and conflict. More specifically, this dissertation sheds light on how young internally displaced persons (IDPs) are living in a borderland (in both temporal and spatial terms) characterized by uncertainty-- between the past and the future as well as between Georgia and Abkhazia. Practices of exclusion and segregation are constitutive of the borders and boundaries that permeate life experiences of the forcibly displaced youth. Furthermore, these borders and boundaries are situated in riskscapes of disputed belongings, which makes this borderland more or less stable for different groups of IDPs. This dissertation contributes to an increased understanding of how political aspirations and personal desire to return preserves instability and uncertainty as long as return is not possible. / Denna avhandling undersöker konsekvenserna av gränser och gränsskapande för hur unga georgiska internflyktingar från Abkhazien förstår frågor om tillhörighet och återvändande. Jag utgår från teorier om hem och tillhörighet, liksom teorier om gränser och gränsskapande, och lokaliserar dem till geografier av osäkerhet – “riskscapes” – områden som karaktäriseras av konflikter och/eller ojämlikheter. Det datamaterial som ligger till grund för avhandlingen utgörs av två intervjustudier i Zugdidi nära gränsen till Abkhazien; och en enkätstudie som genomfördes i Zugdidi och i den georgiska huvudstaden Tbilisi. Materialet har analyserats genom användande av både kvalitativa och kvantitativa metoder.   Avhandlingens respondenter utgör inte en homogen grupp. Några respondenter har familj och släktingar som bor i Abkhazien eller har delvis växt upp i området, medan andra aldrig ens varit där. Det primära målet för den georgiska regeringen har varit att internflyktingarna ska återvända till sina hem, och regeringens ansträngningar för integration i lokalsamhället har länge varit otillräckliga. Det saknas fredsavtal och bristen på säkerhet förhindrar återvändande i stor skala. Trots de ökade gränskontroller som gjort det svårt att korsa de facto gränslinjen tar sig en del ungdomar ändå over gränsen. Genom att göra detta bestrider de både de abkhaziska de facto myndigheterna och gränsen som symbol för separation och åtskillnad, medan de hävdar sin rätt att känna tillhörighet till Abkhazien. Att ha ett hus och sociala relationer i Abkhazien bidrar till emotionella band och en starkare uppmaning till att återvända. Å andra sidan kan erfarenheterna av vardagens umbäranden inne i Abkhazien resultera i att unga människor inte ser återvändande som ett tänkbart alternativ. Ungdomar som aldrig varit i Abkhazien är beroende av andra människors minnen och politiska diskurser för att skapa känslomässiga band och tankar om återvändande till det område deras föräldrar har flytt från. Resultat från den kvantitativa undersökningen visar vidare att ungdomar som bor i Tbilisi, närmare Georgiens politiska centrum, i högre grad anger att de har för avsikt att återvända än deras jämnåriga i Tbilisi. Ungdomars erfarenheter av vardagslivet i sina nuvarande bostäder i relativ stabilitet bidrar emellertid till att skapa känslomässiga band till den aktuella bostadsorten. Dessa erfarenheter utmanar på så vis både de kollektiva processerna och erfarenheter från Abkhazien när det gäller att upprätthålla drömmen om återvändande.   Avhandlingen bidrar med insikter om konsekvenser av krig och konflikter för människors vardagsliv. Mer specifikt belyser jag hur avhandlingens unga respondenter lever i en sorts rumsligt och temporalt gränsland mellan det förflutna och framtiden och mellan Georgien och Abkhazien, och detta gränsland kännetecknas av osäkerhet. Praktiker av isärhållande och segregering är konstituerande för de gränser som genomsyrar internflyktingungdomarnas erfarenheter. Dessa gränser är dessutom situerade i ”riskscapes” av ifrågasatta tillhörigheter, som gör gränslandet mer eller mindre stabilt för olika grupper av internflyktingar. Avhandlingen bidrar med en ökad förståelse för hur politiska ambitioner och personliga drömmar om återvändande håller kvar människor i instabilitet och osäkerhet så länge återvändandet inte är möjligt. / <p>Vid tidpunkten för disputationen var följande delarbeten opublicerade: delarbete 3 inskickat.</p><p>At the time of the doctoral defence the following papers were unpublished: paper 3 submitted.</p>

"The debate over the effectiveness of the laws to address the situation of children in armed conflict, the political will of the international community to alleviate the plight of children in such situations, as well as the search for effective strategies to address the issue of children affected by war, remains lively and unsettled. This study aims to contribute to the ongoing discussion with a focus on northern Uganda where, for the last 19 years, children have been suffering as a result of armed conflict with no response from the international community. It appears that the government, the armed forces and the international community have simply ignored their plight. ... The study is divided into four chapters; chapter one discusses the internal and international armed conflict dichotomy. It further discusses legal protection that exists under international law for children. An overview of the current standard-setting efforts, enforcement and implementation of these laws is also considered in the chapter. Chapter two considers particular risks faced by children in armed conflict including the child soldier phenomenon; refugee and internally displaced persons (IDPs); sexual abuse and exploitation of children; and the impact of landmines and unexploded ornances on children. The chapter finally looks at actions the international community can take to protect children in compliance with international law. Chapter three gives a background to the conflict in northern Uganda; it discusses the groups of children at risk and the failure to prioritise the protection of children by all actors at the local and international level. Chapter four draws a conclusion and gives recommendations to the ongoing search for effective strategies to address the plight of children affected by war with focus on northern Uganda. These recommendations are addressed to the government, the armed group and the international community." -- Introduction. / Mini Dissertation (LLM)--University of Pretoria, 2005. / http://www.chr.up.ac.za/academic_pro/llm1/dissertations.html / Centre for Human Rights / LLM

[pt] O trabalho teve como objetivo geral analisar como se apresentam e como se desenvolvem as formas de proteção e/ou desproteção (internacional e nacional) às pessoas e famílias que vivem o deslocamento interno e forçado em função da violência urbana e dos conflitos armados no município do Rio de Janeiro. Em relação aos objetivos específicos, destacam-se: a) conhecer as causas e determinantes que motivam o deslocamento interno e forçado em função da violência urbana e os conflitos armados no município do Rio de Janeiro; b) identificar como se apresentam as percepções das pessoas e grupos de pessoas que vivenciam e/ou percebem essa problemática; c) examinar como se efetivam os elementos que se configuram como respostas (de resistência, organização e mobilização) das pessoas e famílias que vivenciam e/ou percebem essa problemática; d) tipificar de forma qualitativa o público deslocado interno e forçado no Rio de Janeiro a partir das particularidades dos conflitos armados. Optou-se pela análise do discurso, constituindo a tese através de variados exercícios analíticos, por fontes de várias ordens, por meio: do levantamento de estudos bibliográficos; do resgate e apoio em um corpus material (estrofes de músicas e matérias/reportagens); e da análise do corpus de discursos orais/institucionais (entrevistas semiestruturadas). Constituiu-se um modelo metodológico próprio (singular) de acordo com os objetivos estabelecidos, a particularidade do objeto de estudo e a organização para a coleta de dados. Partiu-se da abordagem intencional e/ou de conveniência, com grupos específicos que estiveram dispostos a dar sua opinião. Os deslocamentos internos e forçados estão imersos no movimento determinado pela natureza centralizadora das classes dominantes, e as particularidades do conflito armado não-internacional no Rio de Janeiro determinam o fenômeno em questão (níveis de violências, hostilidades, lógica da guerra e da militarização do cotidiano etc.). Se debate a situação dos deslocamentos internos e forçados no plano internacional, e leva-se em conta os sistemas de proteção de direitos humanos e a proteção aos refugiados como gênese à proteção dos deslocados internos. Após resgatar a construção da proteção internacional aos deslocados internos forçados, se discute a violência como processo constitutivo no cenário brasileiro, o que remete ao tema do capitalismo dependente e a generalização dos mecanismos coercitivos. Ao adentrar a violência urbana e os conflitos armados no Rio de Janeiro destacam-se a (para)militarização e a metáfora da guerra como condições que se retroalimentam na representação da favela como indissociável da violência e na militarização ampliada em meio às disputas por controle econômico-territorial, entre atores que despontam como os grupos que fomentam o fenômeno do deslocamento interno e forçado (milícias, facções e o Estado). Evidencia-se o público deslocado interno como segmento da superpopulação relativa, precarizados nas condições de vida, de trabalho e de privações, categorizados a partir dos deslocamentos: a) direto; b) indireto por decisão; c) indireto por circunstância. O fenômeno apresenta-se em situações de elevado risco de vida e insegurança em que predomina o silêncio. Esse público tipifica-se na situação do deslocamento intramunicipal e nos deslocamentos em função da desconformidade dos padrões estabelecidos pelos grupos/atores armados; se efetiva em meio a constituição de fronteiras físicas e simbólicas “visíveis” (no faccionamento dos territórios). Sobre a proteção social, à defesa dos direitos humanos em programas de proteção do Estado adquire centralidade tendo em vista o público-alvo acompanhado. A assistência social, através de seus equipamentos territorializados, tem relevância sobre o tema nos territórios de favelas frente a influência das ações dos grupos armados (como porta de entrada da população e como instrumento de respostas, assim como colhendo os desafios da viabilização do encaminhamento e atendimento pela via do trabalho coletivo e dos processos de trabalho em rede em meio as violências físicas e verbais e a produção de regras pelos grupos armados que impactam essas atuações). A questão da habitação emerge para ser pensada ao se entender a desigualdade e a manutenção da segregação socioespacial, da favela como lugar que colhe os efeitos negativos da violência urbana e os conflitos armados, e o PMCMV como lócus de experiência dessa problemática. O tema da produção de dados para a construção de marcos legais e as políticas de proteção e assistência ganha relevância no tocante ao objeto de estudo que é marcado pela invisibilidade (vazio cartográfico), em função da inexistência de dados e a complexidade do fenômeno no que tange ao elevado risco e insegurança e, portanto, tem-se a necessidade de publicizar esse tema. A demanda da assistência em saúde aos deslocados internos e forçados no Rio de Janeiro se apresenta como uma necessidade intrínseca frente às experiências do elevado risco de vida e insegurança, que despontam de forma negativa na saúde física e mental dos grupos de pessoas que sofrem com os conflitos armados, onde urge a necessidade de pensar espaços e políticas voltados aos cuidados e à assistência. / [en] The general objective of the work was to analyze how to present and how to develop forms of protection and/or lack of protection (international and national) to people and families who experience internal displacement and force due to urban violence and armed conflicts in the municipality of Rio de Janeiro. In relation to the specific objectives, the following stand out: a) to know the causes and determinants that motivate internal displacement and force due to urban violence and armed conflicts in the municipality of Rio de Janeiro; b) identify how it presents itself as a symbol of people and groups of people who experience and/or perceive this problem; c) monitor how the elements that are configured as responses (resistance, organization and support) of people and families who experience and/or perceive this problem are implemented; d) qualitatively typify the internally displaced and forced public in Rio de Janeiro based on the particularities of armed conflicts. We opted for discourse analysis, constituting the thesis through varied analytical exercises, from sources of various orders, through: the survey of bibliographic studies; rescuing and supporting a material corpus (songs and articles/reports); and the analysis of the corpus of oral/institutional discourses (semi-structured interviews). A unique methodological model was constituted according to the objectives achieved, the particularity of the object of study and the organization for data collection. The starting point was an intentional and/or preferred approach, with specific groups that were willing to give their opinion, and to undergo theoretical saturation therapy. Internal and forced displacements are immersed in the movement determined by the centralizing nature of the dominant classes, and the particularities of the non-international armed conflict in Rio de Janeiro determine the phenomenon in question (levels of violence, hostilities, logic of war and the militarization of everyday life etc). The situation of internal and forced displacements at the international level is discussed, and human rights protection systems and refugee protection are taken into account as a genesis for the protection of internally displaced persons. After rescuing the construction of international protection for forced internally displaced people, violence is discussed as a constitutive process in the Brazilian scenario, which refers to the theme of dependent capitalism and the generalization of coercive mechanisms. When entering urban violence and armed conflicts in Rio de Janeiro, the (para)militarization and the metaphor of war stand out as conditions that feed back into the representation of the favela as inseparable from violence and in the expanded militarization in the midst of disputes for economic control -territorial, between actors who emerge as groups that foment the phenomenon of internal and forced displacement (militias, factions and the State). The internally displaced public is evidenced as a segment of the relative overpopulation, precarious in terms of life, work and deprivation, categorized from the displacements: a) direct; b) "indirect" by decision; c) indirect by circumstance. The phenomenon appears in situations of high risk to life and insecurity in which "silence" predominates. function of non-compliance with the standards established by armed groups/actors; it is effective amid the constitution of "visible" physical and symbolic borders (in the "factionalization of territories"). On social protection, the defense of human rights in programs for the protection of the The State acquires centrality in view of the target audience followed. Social assistance, through its territorialized equipment, has relevance on the subject in the territories of favelas in view of the influence of the actions of armed groups (as a gateway for the population and as an instrument of answers, as well as picking up the challenges of facilitating the referral and assistance through collective work and networking processes in the midst of physical and verbal violence and the production of rules by armed groups that impact these actions). The issue of housing emerges to be considered when understanding inequality and the maintenance of socio-spatial segregation, the favela as a place that reaps the negative effects of urban violence and armed conflicts, and the PMCMV as the locus of experience of this problem. The issue of data production for the construction of legal frameworks and protection and assistance policies gains relevance with regard to the object of study that is marked by invisibility (cartographic emptiness ), due to the lack of data and the complexity of the phenomenon with regard to the high risk and insecurity and, therefore, there is a need to publicize this theme. The demand for health care for the internally displaced and forced in Rio de Janeiro is an intrinsic need in the face of the high risk of life and insecurity, which negatively affect the physical and mental health of the groups of people who suffer from the armed conflicts, where there is an urgent need to think about spaces and policies aimed at care and assistance.