Although the government role in the economy has extended to include various sectors of the economy, there are still problems of the causes of government involvement and how such involvement is related to the structure and function of the industrial government. The purpose of this study is to test the government involvement phenomenon both theoretically and empirically. The study compares two approaches to the government theories. The first approach deals with theories of capitalism and focuses on the function of the government methods as they are observed. The second approach deals with theories of the capitalist government and focuses on the functions and the form of the government as deducted from the historical analysis.

The study sheds light on the impact of the Iraq invasion of Kuwait in 1990 on Kuwaiti foreign policy, with particular reference to changes in behaviour towards Iraq, from 1990-2010, and the impact of this invasion on changes to the concepts of Kuwaiti foreign policy at regional, Arab and international levels. Thus, the study investigates the ‘impact’ of this invasion on Kuwaiti foreign behavior towards Iraq during the period from 1990 to 2010, the principles and determinants of Kuwaiti foreign policy towards Iraq in this period, and the ‘outstanding issues’ between Iraq and Kuwait and the Kuwaiti vision for Iraq after the fall of Saddam Hussein’s regime from 2003 until 2010. It finds that the trauma of the invasion drastically affected both Arab politics overall and Kuwait’s own policy: for the first time the notion of alliance became a cornerstone of Kuwait’s overall foreign policy – even if its geographical location and exposure to possible threats from Iraq meant that, after Saddam’s fall in 2003, there was a gradual evolution towards trying to help a stabilisation in that country occur. The combination of geographical location and ideational factors in the shape of sectarian cleavages crossing domestic and regional theatres, meant a continued sharp focus not only on military security with external help, but also on the pre-emption of spill-over effects from the sectarianised Iraqi political landscape to Kuwait’s own latent ethno-sectarian divisions. Even so, there were certain red lines that remained uncrossed, in the shape of the so-called outstanding issues that remained to be resolved between Iraq and Kuwait.

Master of Science / Department of Diagnostic Medicine/Pathobiology / Gary A. Anderson / Foot-and-mouth disease (FMD) is a highly infectious viral disease of cattle, pigs, sheep, goats, buffalo, and artiodactyl wildlife species. Foot-and-mouth disease virus is endemic and periodic devastating epidemics have occurred and caused heavy economic losses in Iraq for a long time. The first official cases of FMD were recorded in 1937, while the first record of a specific FMD serotype in Iraq was serotype A in 1952. Other serotypes have been reported since then; serotypes O, SAT-1 and Asia1 were recorded in 1957, 1962, and 1975, respectively. Veterinary Services in Iraq has been severely weakened over the past two decades, and its infrastructure has been devastated as a consequence of previous political conflicts, wars and international sanctions. The breakdown of Veterinary Services led to the disruption of disease control strategies, collapse of disease surveillance and monitoring, and weakening of response systems. The destruction of the Al-Dora FMD laboratories for diagnosis and vaccine production by the United Nation in 1996, and the restrictions placed on the importation of vaccines have strongly affected the FMD control program. A severe epidemic of FMD occurred in Iraq in 1998, affecting 2.5 million ruminants and causing heavy losses in newly born animals. It is estimated to have killed about 550,000 animals. The outbreak was due to the serotype O1 Middle East strain which has affected large and small ruminants. In 2009, Iraq was severely affected by new serotype A (subtype A Iran 05). The major efforts of Veterinary Services in Iraq have been directed towards control of FMD by vaccination strategies. Two types of vaccine have been used, trivalent vaccine (O, A 22, and Asia 1) for cattle and buffalo and monovalent vaccine (O Manisa) for sheep and goats. Vaccination has been implemented once yearly on a voluntary basis. Sometimes other limited control measures have accompanied vaccination, which include quarantine, movement control, focused vaccination, disinfection, and public awareness programs. The FMD control program in Iraq has been confronted by many challenges: deficits in FMD surveillance and emergency preparedness, limited diagnostic capabilities, difficulties in restricting animal movement, and lack and irregular supply of appropriate vaccines.

This thesis analyses the effects of gender inclusive policies or the lack of such on development at a time of conflict transformation. It has nowadays been established that the presence of women and the existence of gendered policies at a time of peace building are vital for the development of any country or region presently in this situation. Despite this knowledge, inclusion of women and gender has remained scarce and effects of their integration have thus proven difficult to measure. It is the aim of this thesis to support research in this area, by demonstrating the implications of incorporating or failing to implement different types of gender inclusive policies on the example of the actions taken in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq. The Kurdistan Region is currently in a unique position of its development. After withstanding decades of armed conflict, the region today is greatly autonomous and economically prosperous. For the previous decade it has been the government’s aim to decrease the potential of new conflict, to become internationally competitive and to increase positive development for its people. One of their stated foci was thereby the promotion of gender and women’s inclusion in public policies. By comparing the policies deployed in the Kurdistan Region with experiences and knowledge from around the world, and by using the citizens of the region themselves as validators, this thesis will examine if the existing policies have had the desired effect, and if not, what should be changed. This will be done in the political, economic and social sphere (focusing on education), with the outcome that policies introduced by Kurdistan’s decision makers are partly positive, but lack in consistency, inclusiveness and gender sensitivity. This leads to a loss of human resources for the region, as well as to unequal effects within society, and thus to a lack of sustainable peace.

Iraqi women living in Amman, Jordan view the city as a temporary residence, and their lives there are characterized by uncertainty and isolation. Iraqi social history, Jordanian policies on immigration and citizenship, and economic hardship all contribute to the production and maintenance of this uncertainty. These factors also prevent the formation of a cohesive Iraqi community in Amman, and thus the development of a shared understanding of the violence and displacement that this group has experienced. Given these circumstances, the manner in which Iraqi women articulate their relationship to their country of origin is highly idiosyncratic and responsive to the demands of their daily lives in Jordan as they prepare mentally either to return to Iraq or to resettle in a third country.

Approved for public release, distribution unlimited / The Shiite ulama have become politically active in past decades, beginning in the 1960s-70s with the articulation of the new ideology that empowered the Iranian Revolution. Though a significant portion of the ulama retained their quietist tradition, enough felt motivated by wilayet e-faqih to become a major force in the political landscape. The ulama were particularly well suited to lead a successful social movement. Shiite tradition and symbology, once released from the bonds of quietism, were perfectly suited to motivate a struggle for justice. Despite the ulama's successful leadership, they are most influential when they are part of an underground opposition movement. The three case studies demonstrate that when movements reach a certain level of success, the ulama tend to retreat back to their studies. While many significant ulama continue to pay lip service to the wilayet e-faqih, many have also admitted that it is not practical in their country's particular circumstance. This is not to say that they are not influential, but that they prefer to let others perform daily political tasks. The scowling, turbaned 'alim is not necessarily the uncontrolled voice of radicalism bent upon founding an Islamic state.

This thesis examines the development and mechanics of the political system of Iraqi Kurdistan (northern Iraq). Since 1991, a de facto state system has been in existence in this region, a situation exists which has few precedents and no present-day comparison. The political system of Iraqi Kurdistan is identified as possessing political parties, electoral procedures, a national assembly, and organs of governance and administration. To understand this political system, the structures, decisionmaking processes and political history of the major political parties are analysed. Historically, the Kurds have never possessed a state. However, following the Gulf War of 1990-1991 and the withdrawal of the Government. of Iraq (GOI) from Iraqi Kurdistan, an indigenous emergency administration was established by the Iraqi Kurdistan Front (IKF), followed by multi-party elections in 1992. The administrative vacuum forced the militia-style political parties into governing the territory. Such a task brought parties supposedly representing different strata of Kurdish society together in a volatile coalition resulting in a equal sharing of power. However, interfactional fighting in 1994 resulting in the Kurdish region being divided between the two most powerful political parties (the KDP and PUK), with the system being further complicated by a multitude of smaller political parties and groupings. A theme which is developed throughout the thesis is that the successful peaceful political development of the Iraqi Kurdish region may be achieved by employing a variant of a consociational system of governance. It is argued that a major component of a peaceful political settlement has to include elite accommodation within the governmental structure which is acceptable to the geopolitical thinking of neighbouring states and influencing powers, as well as being able to administer the Iraqi Kurdish region in this difficult period for the whole of Iraq. A modified powersharing system may possibly allow for such political development to take place, later allowing the KDP and PUK to once again unify the political system of Iraqi Kurdistan.

The dramatic increase in the number of foreign fighters in Syria and Iraq since the outbreak of the Syrian civil war has caused great concern when individuals join extremist terrorist organisations, such as ISIS. These foreign fighters can later return to their country of residence to commit a terrorist attack, or recruit other individuals to join ISIS. Some governments, particularly within Europe, have amended their laws to criminalise foreign fighters and recruiting for terrorist groups. However, if these new laws themselves become a way of framing the West as opposed to Islam is yet to be systematically analysed. This thesis argues that through framing theory, by creating frames that show the legislation as a problem that needs to be solved by ISIS, frame alignment will take place so individuals will shift their views and beliefs to agree with the problem stated by ISIS. Through a comparative case study of four European Union countries, firstly by examining the conditions of the legislation and secondly by studying statements by ISIS, this thesis finds no support for the theory in those four cases, as the predicted outcome did not happen in each case.

Post-conflict peacebuilding in Iraq started in 2003 following the military invasion by the Coalition of Willing forces. Since 2003, numerous actors have involved themselves in Iraq’s peacebuilding including governments, NGOs, the UN and the international financial institutions. Also, various activities and actions have been implemented in the humanitarian, political and economic domains. Today, all the indicators show that the country still faces the challenges of conflict, chaos as well as weak social and economic development. Many scholars attribute that to the deteriorating security conditions, which raises the questions of why does the country still face insecurity and why has peace not been consolidated? This research examines the impact of donors’ conditionality on post-conflict peacebuilding in Iraq. As the liberal peace is the basis of contemporary practice of peacebuilding, this research draws on the liberal peace theory as a point of departure. The Liberal peace is used as theoretical lenses in order to understand donors’ strategies and arguments in the context of Iraq, according to two main themes, political and economic transition. Overall, this research finds that the donors’ policy packages focused on how to build liberal democratic and a free market state. Donors, primarily the US, aimed at enhancing their control over the political process and formed the political structures according to their interests foremost and not according to the public will. The local community has not been adequately engaged or consulted. Also, transforming Iraq into a free-market economy by relying on the private sector to stimulate economic growth and restricting the role of the state while the country faces security problems has led to weak outcomes in all social and economic sectors.

Thesis advisor: David DiPasquale / This paper examines the role that media plays in the state building strategy of the Islamic State of Iraq and al-Sham (ISIS). Research findings suggest that ISIS is not merely a disorderly group of militants, but is a sophisticated organization driven by powerful religious and political ideas. The goal of my research is to tap into the intellectual face of ISIS, to uncover ISIS's own arguments and state building aspirations. In order to gain a more comprehensive understanding of ISIS, this paper examines how ISIS spreads its message and analyzes the significance of that message as it relates to state formation. / Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2015. / Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: Arts and Sciences Honors Program. / Discipline: Islamic Civilization and Societies.