When the Iron spirals investigated in this paper saw the light again no one looked at them as nothing more than decoration. It was first during the 2011 excavation in Old Uppsala that the symbolism of the items no longer could be ignored. The spirals of Old Uppsala lay along the walls of the great hall, which stood upon one of the human constructed plateaus in the area. The hall had been burned down and then cleared of all lumber. Then the iron spirals had been placed in the positions and then everything was sealed with a layer of clay. A study of the artifact began with the purpose to contextualize and interpret the iron spiral. Several others iron spirals were investigated and compared. The others comparing context were found in boat graves or boat contexts. With a new perspective on the spirals as active agents I soon realized the symbolic value of the artifact. The spiral contexts were clearly sym-bolic and connected with the belief about the Hall and Ship symbolism. Several evidences indicated that the hall in Old Uppsala was meant to look as a boat and the iron spirals helped the hall doing so as well as reinforce the symbolism of the ship. The hall and the ship stood for power and structure on land respectively on water. The spiral symbol itself may well be a symbol connected with law, power and structure. / Gamla Uppsala - framväxten av ett mytiskt centrum

I denna uppsats har en osteologisk analys genomförts på ett material från åtta gravhögar med en vikt på 12 kg. Benmaterialet kommer från Finström 12.1, ett åländskt gravfält från yngre järnåldern. Syftet var att se om det fanns ett mönster i gravinnehållet och om det fanns en korrelation mellan kön, ålder, djurarter och fynd. Det osteologiska resultatet samt fyndmaterialet jämfördes sedan med tre åländska och tre svenska gravfält från samma tidsperiod för att se om det finns likheter eller skillnader mellan dessa lokaler i förhållande till gravsammansättning. Speciellt fokus har satts på relationen mellan människa och djur för att undersöka om kön eller ålder av den begravda individen har haft betydelse för vilka djur man gravlagts med. Resultatet blev att de djurartkombinationer som förekommer på Finström 12.1 fanns i varierande grad på de gravfält som användes i jämförelsen. Ingen djurart kunde kopplas till ett kön och det enda fynd som i detta material kan ses som könsbundet är björnklor som här endast förekommer i mansgravar. Ett mönster finns i gravläggnigen av djur; där får/get och svin nedlades i styckade kroppsdelar medan katt, hund och häst är hela individer. I gravar utan djur eller med endast får/get finns individer från barn till äldre vuxen representerade, medan gravar innehållande katt, får/get och katt, samt gravar med får/get, hund, häst och svin förekommer endast i vuxengravar. Individer begravda med får/get, hund, häst och svin kan möjligen alla ha ett ålderspann mellan 35-64 år. Baserat på de gravar som använts i analysen upplevs gravinnehållet vara individuellt utformat. / In this thesis the burial pattern of Iron Age graves is studied. As a case study eight graves from Finström 12.1, Åland are analysed. The aim is to see if there is a correlation between sex, age, animal sacrifices and archaeological finds. The result of the analysis is compared against three Iron Age cemeteries from the Åland Islands and three from Sweden. All of the animal combinations present at Finström 12.1 existed in varying degree in some or all of the selected cemeteries. Bones from animals found in the graves, did not show a correlation to sex, except claws from bear that were found only in male graves. The individuals that were buried with no animals or with sheep/goat had an age span from children to old adults, while those who were buried with cat, sheep/goat and cat, and sheep/goat, dog, horse and pig all were adult individuals. Those buried with sheep/goat, dog, horse and pig are in the age between 34-64 years old. Based on the graves used in this analysis no distinct burial pattern is found, rather the graves seem individually formed.

In this essay, material and written sources are compared in an attempt to learn more about the Iron Age religion in Britain. Classical texts and archaeological evidence concerning the Iron Age religion in Britain are presented, after which a comparison is made of the two to try to find out whether the classical authors statements could have been true. The conclusion drawn is that much of the facts in the classical texts are substantiated by material remains, but some information cannot be proved. Furthermore, the archaeological evidence provides us with facts of the Iron Age religion which was not mentioned by the classical authors. / Denna uppsats berör religion under järnåldern i Storbritannien. Den består av en jämförelse mellan klassiska källor och arkeologiskt material. Målet är att får reda på huruvida påståenden av klassiska författare om religionen i Storbritannien under järnåldern kan ha stämt. Mycket av det de klassiska författarna skrev kan stödjas av arkeologiska bevis, men en del har inget stöd i det arkeologiska materialet. Dock ger oss materiella lämningar information om religionen under järnåldern i Storbritannien, som inte nämndes av de klassiska författarna.

In this essay I have chosen to write about graves, settlements and historical, important central places during the late Iron Age and the introduction of Christianity in the east of Blekinge. The reason why I have chosen to write about this is because the area has many ancient monuments and not much have been written about the area. The main question is who where the people who lived there and why did they choose to settle there.

The views on and the knowledge of the introduction of iron to Scandinavia have change by the history of archaeology. The results and discussions are put in the context of time and how that time is reflected in their work and texts. This limits that scholars put up to orientate themselves conceal the complex reality. The limits are changing all the time and is dependent of time and person.

This study sets out to investigate the social significance and political use of three historical places, from the theoretical starting points of landscape, objects, society and rituals. The Teutoburger Forest in North Germany has had an international effect, being a german national icon during the reformation and through two world wars, Old Uppsala is a place of great importance for the creation and reproduction of Swedish national identity during several hundred years, and Eketorp ring fort on Öland in Sweden is of more regional importance. All these places have been used for social and political reasons through history. History can be used in a constructive or a destructive way. This study stresses the importance of a critical scientific tradition.

This paper deals with the question of whether the symbolic language of the late Neolithic and middle Bronze Age was transferred from ceremonial monuments and barrows into the domestic sphere in the late Bronze Age. I will consider such elements as doorway orientation, the significance of boundaries and depositional practices to see if Early-Middle Iron Age settlements were indeed a major scene for ritual behaviour.

The aim of this thesis is to make a comparison between solitary graves and graves in grave fields from the Roman Iron Age on Gotland, Sweden. Differences in burial customs, morphology, dating, gender, age, grave-goods and social status are compared between 19 solitary graves and graves in three different grave fields in different parts of Gotland. An attempt is made to explain these differences and to discuss which functions the solitary graves had. Discussions about whether it is possible to distinguish social status and gender with the help of grave-goods are also made in connection to the determination of status and sex.

Decapitated Vs. Stomach buried – A study of decapitated people and stomach placed people in Iron Age in Sweden and Denmark. This essay is about decapitated persons in graves and those buried on their stomach in the Iron Age in Sweden and Denmark. The analysis is to compare these graves by six perspectives; location of the grave, construction of the grave, grave goods, sex, age and interpretations of the grave. Out of this I found out if there are any different patterns of these graves, except that they are decapitated and places on their stomach. I compare between fifteen graves located on their stomach, nine decapitated graves, four graves that involve both and eight graves that do not contain any of it.

Although it is accepted that Phoenician colonization occurred on Sardinia by the 9th century B.C., it is possible that contact between Sardinia‟s indigenous population and the Levantine region occurred in the Late Bronze Age (LBA). Eastern LBA goods found on the island are copper oxhide ingots and Aegean pottery. Previously, it has been suggested that Mycenaeans were responsible for bringing the eastern goods to Sardinia, but the presence of Aegean pottery shards does not confirm the presence of Mycenaean tradesmen. Also, scholars of LBA trade have explained the paucity of evidence for a Mycenaean merchant fleet. Interpretations of two LBA shipwrecks, Cape Gelidonya and Uluburun, indicate that eastern Mediterranean merchants of Cypriot or Syro-Canaanite origin, transported large quantities of oxhide ingots from the Levant towards the west. It remains possible that similar itinerant merchants conducted ventures bringing eastern goods to Sardinia while exploring the western Mediterranean. Trade in eastern goods may have stimulated the advancement that occurred in Nuragic culture in the LBA, resulting in the emergence of an elite social stratum in the Nuragic society. Archaeological evidence, such as elitist burials and increasingly complex architecture, supports the idea of cultural change due to internal competition. This „peer-polity‟ effect may have been incited because of limited accessibility to the exotic eastern goods and the „ownership‟ to the rights of this exchange.