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Thèse présentée en cotutelle en vue de l’obtention des grades de Philosophiae Doctor (Ph.D.) en Sciences des Religions de l’Université de Montréal et de Docteur en Sociologie de l’École Pratique des Hautes Études Paris-Sorbonne / À travers le monde islamique, une famille de partis politiques que l’on appelle à tort ou à raison « les partis islamistes modérés » enregistre des résultats électoraux exceptionnels chaque fois qu’un de ses membres participe à un scrutin qui comporte un minimum de transparence, notamment en Turquie, au Maroc et en Palestine. Les premières participations des islamistes aux élections des pays du Printemps arabe confirment davantage cette règle, comme l’illustrent les cas de l’Égypte et de la Tunisie. Sur le plan académique, ce contexte laisse émerger une importante hypothèse. L’évolution de bon nombre d’organisations islamistes en partis politiques qui participent activement à la vie publique de leurs pays serait l’indice d’une sécularisation de ces organisations, animée par une sincère conversion à la démocratie. Cette hypothétique tendance à la sécularisation et la conversion à la démocratie de l’islamisme ferait penser à une expérience remarquablement similaire, que l’on trouve dans le monde chrétien occidental, soit, l’évolution théorique et organisationnelle du christianisme politique qui a donné naissance, en réponse à un long parcours de révisions intellectuelles, à ce que l’on appelle aujourd’hui « la démocratie chrétienne ». L’islamisme modéré serait-il en train d’évoluer vers une sécularisation et une conversion à la démocratie selon un mode similaire à celui qui a donné naissance aux partis démocrates-chrétiens en Occident? Il est question dans cette thèse, préparée en cotutelle entre l’Université de Montréal au Canada et l’École Pratique des hautes études Paris-Sorbonne en France, de vérifier l’hypothèse susmentionnée dans un contexte bien précis. Notre recherche se limite ainsi à l’étude d’un groupe déterminé du paysage islamiste du Maroc (Parti de la justice et du développement [PJD] et son mouvement de prédication religieuse Mouvement de l’unicité et de la réforme [MUR]). Cette recherche s’étend de 1996, date de naissance du PJD à 2011, date de son accession au pouvoir au Maroc. Par ailleurs, la reconstitution et l’analyse sociohistorique proposées dans cette recherche remontent en 1969, date de naissance du Mouvement de la jeunesse islamique qui incarne la matrice du groupe à l’étude. La recherche pose des questions bien précises portant très particulièrement sur le devenir du groupe religieux à l’épreuve du parti politique et, par-delà, celle du devenir du religieux à l’épreuve du politique au sein des modes de penser et d’agir de ce groupe. Pour ce faire, notre recherche adopte un cadre interdisciplinaire conjuguant des approches émanant de la sociologie politique et religieuse et d’autres sciences sociales comme l’histoire et les sciences politiques. Son corpus d’analyse est le fruit d’un travail de terrain effectué lors de plusieurs séjours de recherche effectués au Maroc entre 2008 et 2014. Séjours qui nous ont permis de reconstituer la trame des évènements, d’amasser la documentation nécessaire au sein du PJD/MUR, de rencontrer et de mener des entretiens avec des leaders et des idéologues les plus influents de son parcours idéologique et organisationnel. / Throughout the Islamic world, a political family composed of what are rightly or wrongly named “moderate Islamist parties” obtains exceptional results whenever one of its members participates in an election that is minimally transparent (for instance in Turkey, Morocco, Palestine and Egypt). This rule is confirmed by the initial involvements of Islamists in the Arab Spring (in Egypt and Tunisia for example). Academically, in this context an important hypothesis emerges according to which the evolution of many Islamist organizations into political parties that actively participate in the public life of their countries would indicate that these organizations are undergoing a process of secularization motivated by a sincere conversion to democracy. Islamism’s hypothetical tendency towards secularization and conversion to democracy seems reminiscent of a remarkably similar experience in the Christian West, namely the theoretical and organizational evolution of political Christianity, which gave birth to what is known today as “Christian democracy”, in response to a long series of intellectual revisions. Might moderate Islamism be secularized and converted into democracy in a mode similar to that which gave birth to Christian Democrat parties in the West? In this thesis, prepared under joint supervision between the University of Montreal in Canada and the Ecole Pratique des Hautes Etudes Paris-Sorbonne in France, the aforementioned hypothesis is verified in a very specific context. The scope of the study is limited to examining a particular group within the Moroccan Islamist landscape—the Parti de la justice et du développement (PJD), as well as its sister outfit devoted to religious predication, the Mouvement de l’unicité et de la réforme (MUR). This period under consideration ranges from the birth of the PJD in 1996 to its coming to power in 2011. Moreover, the reconstitution and the socio-historical analysis proposed in this study begin in 1969 with the birth of the Mouvement de la jeunesse islamique, from which the group being examined evolved. The study asks very specific questions concerning the fate of the religious movement in response to the challenges of the political party. Further still, it examines the challenging relation of religion and politics in the group’s actual modes of thinking and acting. With this purpose in mind, the study adopts an interdisciplinary framework combining approaches that stem from political and religious sociology as well as other social sciences, such as history and political science. Its analytical corpus is the product of fieldwork research being done during numerous trips to Morocco from 2008 to 2014. These trips made it possible to reconstitute a timeline of events and to gather necessary documentation from the PJD/MUR. It also provided the opportunity to meet and interview leaders and ideologues that are most influential in the ideological and organizational evolution of the movement. / على امتداد العالم الإسلامي، ما فتئت هذه العائلة من الأحزاب التي ندعوها عن خطئ أو عن صواب بالأحزاب الإسلامية المعتدلة تحقق، فيما يشبه القاعدة، نتائج مميزة متى ما شارك أحد ممثليها في انتخابات تضمن الحد الأدنى من النزاهة و الشفافية (حالة تركيا، المغرب، الأردن، فلسطين، مصر…). هذه القاعدة ستؤكدها المشاركات الانتخابية الأولى لإسلاميي بلدان الربيع العربي (حالتا تونس و مصر). على المستوى الأكاديمي سيسمح سياق اكتساح الأحزاب الإسلامية للانتخابات البرلمانية في بلدان العالم الإسلامي بانبثاق فرضية مهمة يتجلى مضمونها في كون إعادة انتظام عدد كبير من التنظيمات الإسلامية في أحزاب سياسية تشارك بفاعلية كبيرة في العملية السياسية ببلدانها ربما يشكل مؤشرا على خضوع هذه التنظيمات لعملية دهرنة (sécularisation) معززة باعتناق حقيقي للديمقراطية. فرضية دهرنة الحركة الإسلامية و اعتناقها للديمقراطية هذه تدعو لاستحضار تجربة مماثلة على نحو كبير لولا أن أطوارها جرت بالعالم المسيحي الغربي. يتعلق الأمر بالتطور النظري و التنظيمي لعدد من تيارات المسيحية السياسية، تطور سمح بعد مسار طويل من المراجعات الفكرية بتشكل ما نسميه اليوم بتيار الديمقراطية المسيحية بالغرب. هل تكون إذن أحزاب الحركة الإسلامية المعتدلة بصدد تكرار نفس المسار الدي سمح بتشكل الأحزاب الديمقراطية المسيحية بالغرب، لكن بدار الإسلام هذه المرة؟ تسعى هذه الاطروحة المعدة وفق برنامج مشترك (cotutelle) بين جامعة مونتريال بكندا و المدرسة التطبيقية للدراسات العليا باريس-السوربون بفرنسا إلى اختبار الفرضية المذكورة في سياق محدد للغاية إذ تكتفي بدراسة تنظيم إسلامي محدد من ضمن المجال الواسع للحركة الإسلامية بالمغرب (حزب العدالة و التنمية و حركته الدعوية و الدينية حركة التوحيد و الإصلاح) في فترة محددة تتراوح ما بين لحظة ميلاد الحزب سنة 1996 و لحظة وصوله للمسؤولية الحكومية سنة 2011 وفق عمق تاريخي يمتد لسنة 1969 التي تشكل لحظة ميلاد حركة الشبيبة الإسلامية باعتبارها الحركة الأم للتنظيم المدروس. في إطار هذه الدراسة، تثير الأطروحة أسئلة محددة تتعلق بمستقبل الحركة الدينية أمام اختبار الحزب السياسي و بالتالي بمستقبل الديني في مواجهة اكتساح السياسي على مستوى خطاب و ممارسة الحزب و الحركة. لتحقيق هذا الهدف تتبنى هذه الدراسة إطارا بين-مناهجيا (interdisciplinaire) يدمج مقاربات تنتمي لعلم الاجتماع الديني و السياسي بالإضافة لعلوم اجتماعية أخرى كالتاريخ و العلوم السياسية. يتشكل المتن البحثي لهذه الأطروحة من نتائج دراسات ميدانية قمنا بإنجازها بين سنتي 2008 و 2012 بالمغرب. من خلال هذه الدراسات الميدانية، قمنا بإعادة تجميع و تركيب تاريخ و أدبيات التنظيم المدروس و لقاء و محاورة القادة و المنظرين الأكثر تأثيرا في مساره النظري و التنظيمي. كلمات مفاتيح: إسلام، حركات إسلامية، إسلام سياسي، ما بعد الإسلام السياسي، ديمقراطية مسيحية، دهرنة، مغرب، شبيبة إسلامية، توحيد و إصلاح، عدالة و تنمية، ملكية، دولة إسلامية، ديمقراطية.

Excerpt: On May 21, 2016 a 31-minute audio file by Islamic State Organization (ISO) chief spokesman Abu Muhammad al-Adnani (real name: Taha Sobhi Falaha) was uploaded by the ISO’s Al Furqan Media outlet onto the internet.

Excerpt: On May 14, 2015 a 34-minute audio message was released by the self-proclaimed Islamic State’s media arm al-Furqan.

When considering the available sources for Islamic history between the seventh and eighth centuries CE, there are few which have greater importance than al-Balādhurī's (d. ca. 892 CE/279 AH) Kitāb Futūḥ al-Buldān (The Book of the Conquest of Lands). While the text and its author are recognized for their importance as a historical source for the early Islamic period, there has previously been no in-depth study of either. This dissertation works to correct these gaps in knowledge of the author and his text by investigating the construction, form, content, and early reception history of al-Balādhurī's book. This research begins by providing a manuscript tradition of Futūḥ al-Buldān, including a discussion of a previously unpublished manuscript. It thereafter illuminates the background of al-Balādhurī, bringing together much of the previous scholarship on the author while augmenting that information with an analysis of biographical sources and the text itself. It situates the author and his text in its ninth/third century milieu, a period of history where the early Arabic historical tradition was still in its infancy and only just being committed to writing. It suggests the text was likely completed at the end of the "anarchy at Sāmarrā'" in the late 860s CE, and highlights the author's role at the court of several 'Abbāsid Caliphs. After this, it discusses a number of al-Balādhurī's most important (and, in some cases, previously understudied) sources of information, and argues that the author chose to differentiate when he was learning information directly from a teacher and when he had access to written sources. It then analyzes the content and themes of the text, placing special attention on the unique form of Futūḥ al-Buldān and its importance in providing modern scholars with information on the conquest, settlement, and building projects of the early Islamic world. In considering these key themes, this research then argues that Futūḥ al-Buldān defies traditional modern genre classification by borrowing form and content from several different Arabic genres including conquest literature (futūḥ), legal texts, and administrative geographies. It contends that both the text's content and form suggest that it was written to be read by courtly administrators in the service of the state as both a site of memory (lieu de mémoire) and as an "administrator's handbook" during a time of upheaval in the 'Abbāsid realm. Finally, it considers the legacy of Futūḥ al-Buldān and the popularity of al-Balādhurī's book throughout the medieval period through an analysis of textual reuse.

I deal in master thesis with reflection of audiovisual media in the Czech Republic and their work with events of terroristic attacks of Islamic State. I focused on main broadcasting which are the most representative material for the form of image of approaches of particular media. In theoretic part I deal with organization Islamic state and symbiotic relation between terrorism and media. We encouter a new phenomena of terrorism which can adapt for new media, social sites and which can work also with audiovisual agenda. I try to get closer and try to set the ethics of west media and I am looking for answers which are underlay of chosen literature or contemporary codified standards (f.e. BBC Editorial Guidelines). I compare new phenomena of terrorism and media reflection with current sociological trends and create terrorism and his work in media in "liquid times". In practical part I deal with specific events of terroristic attacks of ISIS in Europe and I search ethical questionable aspects in content of czech AV media. I am looking for specific points on the relief of terroristic attacks which broadcasters do. Based on the theoretical part I focus next to primary also on secondary ethically questionable aspects which are result of symbiotic relation between media and terrorism.

This Master Thesis aims to present the current existential threats to Israeli security. Israel is a Jewish country in the middle of the Muslim region and her demise is wished by many involved parties. The Author describes sophisticated security systems of Israel, their efficiency and its unofficial nuclear program. From the state actors, it is Iran that has become the number one perceived threat in Israel thanks to its officials' rhetoric, its support towards terrorist organizations and its nuclear program. Israel is often involved in asymmetrical conflicts against non-state actors like Hamas and Hezbollah. The new extremist group Islamic State can also potentially pose a threat. Has Israel got reasons to worry about her existence? Has the Arab Spring brought about positives, negatives, or new possibilities? The Author aims to answer these questions.

The diploma thesis presents comparison of security and strategic culture's approaches of the European Union and the United States of America towards the threat of Islamic state. Comparison is based on two separated analyses of complex strategy and particular steps of both subjects from different methodological points of view. Each analysis consists of security and strategic culture in the light of historical milestones, factors of engagement in fight against Islamic state, complex counter-terrorism strategy and particular steps taken against the Islamic state. Based on comparative analysis both approaches will be compared and the thesis aims to answer the questions, how did both the USA and the EU challenged the threat of Islamic state, how these approaches differ and also what exactly stands behind these concrete steps.

This thesis represents a comprehensive analysis of the geographical and geopolitical position of the Kurdistan regional government (KRG) as an official political institution of the Kurdistan region of Iraq (KRI). Firstly, it focuses on the internal issues of this institution and its division between two main Iraqi Kurdish political parties: KDP and PUK. Secondly, it examines the form of the relationships between the KRG and central government in Baghdad. The regional position of the KRG is explained by capturing the relationships among the KRG, the governments of the key regional countries (Turkey, Syria, Iran, Saudi Arabia and Israel) and important Kurdish political parties operating in this area (PKK, PYD, PJAK, HDP, ENKS and KDPI). Thirdly, the global actors (United States of America, Russian Federation and China) and their position towards the Iraqi Kurds, is also included. And finally, this thesis deals with the problematics of the Kurdish referendum of independence in 2017 and the role of ISIS as an "game changing" actor in the regional dynamics. This thesis builds on extensive search of scientific literature (about 70 titles), field research in the Kurdistan region of Iraq in the form of the interviews with 20 respondents and media reports on this topic and region. Additionally, this thesis...