The Diploma Thesis deals - within its theoretical part - with situations in TV news, which require conversion of audiovisual content to achieve involved person's anonymity. Ethics codes of analysed television stations are major factor in this part, also included as secondary support relavant studies, reference books, laws and edicts. Conversion of audiovisual content is necessary - speaking of victims of crime (mainly violent or sexual offense) and theirs relatives, children, suspects and theirs relatives, anonymous sources, some criminalists or other vulnerable persons. Practical part of the thesis applies gained informations to analyse audio-visual recordings - broadcasted by Czech TV (Česká televize), TV Nova and FTV Prima. Study reflected diffrences between conversion of same situations and same persons. Study also reflected some ethically controversial moments. Several reporters gived an interview to comment selected news.

A content analysis of "Islamic State" (IS) propaganda material released around the movement's proclamation of a Caliphate in 2014, this study is an attempt at analysing ways in which presented arguments express a coherent narrative of symbolic meaning. Using Robert Benford & David Snow's ideas on the so-called three core framing tasks as a clarifying template, I discuss ways in which the analysed material argues for the legitimacy and relevance of the IS movement. IS propagandists argue that the Muslim umma is under attack, and that Muslims need to unite under a common authority that can protect their religion, restore their strength, and counteract their humiliation. The IS Caliphate is presented as a hopeful sign, but is in need of committed recruits who are willing to sacrifice for what is presented as the greater good. As the analysed propaganda is particularly focused on this latter (motivational) aspect of the narrative, it focuses extensively on formulating arguments that reinforce it. I hold that many of these arguments can be traced back to what can be described as appeals to virtues like sincerity, authenticity, and truthfulness – and that all of these are also used to argue for the credibility of the IS Caliphate as an Islamic authority. Arguing that this Caliphate will serve the role of an aiding sword of Islam, it is furthermore presented as a necessary and vigorous structure aimed at protecting "truth" and at eradicating "falsehood".

With the rise of global transnational terrorist networks (GTTNs), there has been an increase in scholarly output on the subject. While many scholars have focused on the ways in which these networks enable terrorist organizations to achieve their goals, few have studied the transformative impact that GTTNs have on group cohesion. In order to fill this gap, I seek to answer the question how, if at all, GTTNs affect the likelihood of armed groups experiencing fragmentation. In doing so, I propose three ways in which GTTNs can influence cohesion among their members and explore these in the cases of al-Shabaab and Boko Haram, while using the Taliban as a counterfactual. Although I find that both GTTN members and non-members experience fragmentation, the ways in which fragmentation manifests itself differs. Whereas the Taliban experienced fragmentation following key events, al-Shabaab and Boko Haram experienced splits as a result of long-term processes. Thus, GTTN membership ostensibly reinforces internal processes that may cause factions to split from the organization, thereby increasing the risk of fragmentation. However, more research is required on the different ways through which GTTNs exert influence over their members and the effect this has on the risk of fragmentation.

This thesis seeks to explain why it is seen as possible and meaningful for Western countries to deny IS women to return home after the fall of the Caliphate. Earlier, IS women have been allowed to return. According to previous research, women in war are commonly constructed as innocent victims within the “beautiful soul” narrative. Violent women interrupt this narrative and have traditionally been seen as deviant. Female terrorism is often explained by sexual obsession or dysfunction. Both these narratives construct women in war as apolitical without agency. Accordingly, women have not been viewed as security threats since their motives are personal rather than political. If that is still the case, there should be no obstacles for IS women to come home. The thesis use Faircloughs critical discourse analysis to examine western media coverage in order to explain why Western countries deny IS women to return. The empirical analysis displays a discursive transformation, where IS women are described as dangerous, decision-making political agents which could compose national security threats. This shift has made new political practices possible.

Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2018-04-09T13:03:49Z No. of bitstreams: 1 João Leopoldo e Silva.pdf: 6402288 bytes, checksum: d3b037e7023d3505e8659d9ef856d0eb (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-04-09T13:03:49Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 João Leopoldo e Silva.pdf: 6402288 bytes, checksum: d3b037e7023d3505e8659d9ef856d0eb (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-03-08 / Conselho Nacional de Pesquisa e Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico - CNPq / This research aims to analyze two journalistic productions regarding to the recent phenomena that led to the expansion of the paramilitary group Daesh into a 'Caliphate', the so-called Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS). Several media companies sent correspondents and journalists who, through news, sought to keep their viewers connected and informed about the ongoing war. Two productions among the great tangle of information available on the internet stand out in this matter: the documentary The Islamic State (2014), produced by the American news company Vice, and the magazine Dabiq (2014-2016) produced by the ISIS itself. Tied with the studies of audiovisual, journalistic and recent sources, the research seeks to follow the 'History of the Present', addressing issues focused on the media construction of EIIL in order to discuss the nuances, approximations and distancing of both productions in focus / A presente pesquisa busca analisar duas produções jornalísticas sobre o fenômeno recente da expansão do grupo paramilitar islâmico Daesh em um ‘Califado’, o chamado Estado Islâmico do Iraque e do Levante (EIIL). Diversas companhias de comunicação enviaram correspondentes e jornalistas que, através de notícias, buscaram manter seus espectadores conectados e informados sobre a guerra em andamento. Duas produções dentre o grande emaranhado de informações disponíveis na internet se destacam neste sentido: o documentário The Islamic State (2014), produzido pela companhia norte-americana de notícias Vice, e a revista Dabiq (2014-2016) realizada e produzida pelo próprio EIIL. Ancorada nos estudos perante fontes audiovisuais e jornalísticas, a pesquisa visa ir ao encontro da ‘História do Presente’ abordando questões voltadas à construção midiática do EIIL de maneira a discutir as nuances, aproximações e distanciamentos das produções em foco

The al-Qaeda Organization (AQO) and the Islamic State Organization (ISO) are transnational adversaries that conduct terrorism in the name of Sunni Islam. It is declared U.S. Government (USG) policy to degrade, defeat, and destroy them. The present book has been written to assist policymakers, military planners, strategists, and professional military educators whose mission demands a deep understanding of strategically-relevant differences between these two transnational terrorist entities. In it, one shall find a careful comparative analysis across three key strategically relevant dimensions: essential doctrine, beliefs, and worldview; strategic concept, including terrorist modus operandi; and specific implications and recommendations for current USG policy and strategy. Key questions that are addressed include: How is each terrorist entity related historically and doctrinally to the broader phenomenon of transnational Sunni “jihadism”? What is the exact nature of the ISO? How, if at all, does ISO differ in strategically relevant ways from AQO? What doctrinal differences essentially define these entities? How does each understand and operationalize strategy? What critical requirements and vulnerabilities characterize each entity? Finally, what implications, recommendations, and proposals are advanced that are of particular interest to USG strategists and professional military educators? / https://dc.etsu.edu/etsu_books/1127/thumbnail.jpg

Excerpt: For a mere Muslim mortal, Allah’s granting of martyrdom (Shahada) is the pinnacle of spiritual achievement. The martyr (Shahid) is granted unique privileges among which are the right to bypass the moral interrogation meted out to determine after death whether one is spiritually fit; the complete freedom from all anguish, pain, and suffering caused by one’s wounds as one immediately traverses into the highest of seven heavens; the right to intercede and request divine favors on behalf of seventy of one’s loved one’s; the enjoyment of exclusive sexual privileges with seventy-two virgins; and finally, the right to exist within the proximity of the All Mighty Allah and an eternity spent in enjoyment of the sumptuous delights of a blessed paradise.

A specific branch of Islamic jurisprudence (fiqh al-jihad) regulates the waging of the jihad of the sword (jihad bis saif). In this article, a detailed exposition is presented of the Egyptian Islamic Group’s (IG; Al-Gama’a Al-Islamiyya) use of fiqh al jihad against Al-Qaeda. The present author’s ‘jihad-realist’ approach is first briefly described; the IG’s critique of AQ systematically outlined; and in conclusion, implications are derived for counter-radicalisation strategies.

Excerpt: On December 26, 2015 a 24-minute audio message was released by the Islamic State Organization’s (ISO) official media arm al-Furqan.

Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal