Denna uppsats är en intervjustudie som omfattar sex utvalda muslimska kvinnor där jag valt att undersöka hur dessa kvinnor ser på muslimska baddräkter. Syftet med uppsatsen är att utreda huruvida dessa kvinnor uppfattar olika typer av muslimska baddräkter och även redogöra för vilka skiljaktigheter det finns mellan dessa kvinnors åsikter och vad dessa skillnader kan bero på. För att få fram olika representationer vad gäller dessa kvinnors tolkningar, kommer jag att använda mig av begreppet flerstämmighet för att lyfta fram olikheterna med hänsyn till de olika tolkningarna som finns inom en religiös grupp. Detta är för att diversiteten som finns inom den egna gruppen ska tydliggöras. Min teoretiska utgångspunkt är Olivier Roys post-globala teori som jag anser vara relevant för det valda temat. Roy diskuterar om vilken förändring det har skett bland muslimer, som lever i västeuropeiska länder, som konfronterats med globalisering och västernisering, valt att förhålla sig annorlunda där religionen inte längre har en social auktoritet.

Religious charity is said to be one of the oldest phenomena which has been present in many societies and social welfare provision is one of the central aspects of religious charity. Although, religiously motivated welfare provision has an older history than nation state based welfare provision, with the advent of the modern welfare state social aid area has been taken -partially or totally- from the religious authorities. However starting with 80s and attracting considerable interest by 90s in contemporary world, religious themes, namely faith based organizations, have been visible again in social aid area. As a form of faith based welfare provision, Faith Based Organization (FBO) is the central concept of this study / particularly Islamist FBOs will be on the focus of this study. In that sense FBOs will be studied as a part in history of Islamist faith based welfare provision in Turkey. The central hypotheses of the thesis, FBOs are organizations fertilized by changing economic and political climate of 70s. Changing state religion relationships has a significant impact on FBO proliferation in Turkey. By combating through poverty FBOs have big problems in terms of financial accountability, permanency, trustworthiness and professionalism.

Why was there a strong reaction from Islamist MPs about the Americanisation of education in Kuwaiti schools? Which parts of the textbooks were being questioned and which arguments were used? Could there be any reasons to delete particular phrases in textbooks, which may seem to offend people of certain religious denominations? Kuwait as a state has been in earlier conflicts with Iraq, which has led to some Islamists not being in favour of Kuwait, getting support from the USA. The Islamists in these Arab states imply that the war between Kuwait and Iraq was a direct punishment from Allah as Kuwaitis were in close contacts with USA. That USA supported the Kuwaitis in the battle against Iraq is still an irritation subject for some Arab states. At this juncture, I would like the reader to put into consideration that the books in question are written in Arabic hence, the difficulty in translation without an Arabic translator, has made it impossible to use them for this study. Both the verses and the books that are in question were difficult to get hold of. It is therefore difficult to give a vivid description of what it contained for this thesis. My try to get hold of them has been to no results. However, I will continue trying and hopefully get hold of a translated version of them. To summarise the whole issue in a nutshell one can say that the ministry of education said that USA were not pressuring them to make any changes in textbooks which could for that reason be a so-called Americanisation of Education.

In thesis, I intended to sociologically examine the perceptions and practices of the state and different Islamist groups about the religious education in Egypt from the 1970s onwards. I define the religious education as a religious course to which several hours a week are devoted in the curriculum of mass education, and which teaches moral instructions based on the Qur&#039 / an, and basic information about Islamic culture and history. Since the 1970s, the rise of Islamism in Egypt has created strife between the ruling elites and dissident Islamist groups to capture the religious discourse and control the religious socialization in the mass education. This strife has resulted in the emergence of alternative Islamic educational areas (private Islamic schools and Al-Azhar schools). In this context, I used hermeneutic method to analyze the religious educational discourses and institutions of these two main agents &ndash / ruling elites and Islamist groups. The Mubarak regime in Egypt seeks to institutionalize a particular state discourse in religious education in accordance with its own interests. However, the important thing is the reactions of different Islamist (moderate and radical) groups to this state discourse and institutionalization / because, today, these reactions of opponent Islamist groups generates unintended consequences which are subversive to the legitimacy of the regime.

This thesis analyzes the transformation of Islamism from an anti-systemic and oppositional force to a compliant and submissive political ideology. The thesis locates the approach towards established political and economic relations at its centre. The thesis argues that the transformation, which led to formation of the Justice and Development Party, has begun in the late 1980s and early 1990s. To give the contours of this transformation, the thesis presents a detailed analysis of anti-systemic and systemic phases of Islamism in Turkey. The thesis tries to demonstrate this transformation through focusing on the major debates within the Islamist intellectual circles. The study suggests thinking the transformation of Islamism together with themes such as neoliberal globalization, postmodernism and multiculturalism. The thesis points out that, Islamism of the 1970s and 1980s, which can be considered as a form of Third Worldist populism has been gradually transformed into an ordinary, conservative ideology.

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Linda Larsson (2010) Syftet med uppsatsen är att göra en litteraturstudie och genom den försöka se om det finns någon koppling mellan islam och terrorism. Jag skall se på vad andra forskare skrivit om ämnet och se ur vilka aspekt de tagit upp mina valda frågeställningar. Jag har valt att ha 11 september och den terrorattack som skedde då samt den massmediala bevakningen av denna händelse som utgångspunkt för min uppsats. Det jag kommer fram till är att religionen som enskild faktor inte ligger bakom terrorismen men att den sammankopplad med sociala, politiska och ekonomiska faktorer faktiskt inverkar. Dessa faktorer påverkar varandra och kan tillsammans utgöra en negativ grundstomme för terrorismen. Islamism och terrorism, En kvalitativ studie av sambandet mellan religionen islam och terrorismen i världen: C-uppsats, religionsvetenskap. Gävle: Högskolan i Gävle, Akademin för utbildning och ekonomi.

This thesis analyses the pecularities of German imperialism in the Near East. The economic aspect of German imperialist policy is reflected in the Baghdad Railway Project, and the political aspect in the German support for pan-Islamism. in this thesis, it is argued that both of these policies were dominated by an anti-colonialist discourse, which formed the distinct nature of German imperialism in the Near East. in order to prove this argument, the works of advocates of German expansion in the Near East has been analysed as the main sourced of influence on the German public opinion.

This thesis aims at defining and analyzing the positions of Kemalism and Islamism about the relationship between the European Union and Turkey, with respect to identity and political reform. The study is conducted by the usage of academic literature and examples of the writings of intellectuals from both positions / in order to analyze their discourses on the issue.With respect to the political dimension of EU - Turkey relations, the problems and EU demands on democracy, human rights, minority rights - with emphasis on the Kurdish problem - and Cyprus are explained. The viewpoint and discourses of the two positions on these issues are discussed in relation to their historical attitudes towards the West and the EU.

The aim of this study is to understand how one of the strongest Islamist movements in Turkey, the G&uuml / len Movement, approaches to the question of woman and disseminates it to the society through religious broadcasting. To realize this aim, the content of the movement&rsquo / s television channel, STV&rsquo / s program, Bosanmak Istemiyorum (I do not want to divorce) in which family, marriage and gender relations are the main discussion points is analyzed. Besides the assessment of the way in which gender relations are handled and family and gender norms are represented in the program, it also tries to provide discussions on the gender discourse of the movement and the related practices of the movement.