O pensador do século XIV Ibn Khaldun (1332-1406) é considerado por muitos um precursor das ciências sociais e da filosofia da história. Sua obra, Os Prolegômenos ou Filosofia Social, principal objeto de estudo no presente trabalho, é um marco na sociologia geral, na história e na economia. O objetivo desta dissertação não é estudar as teorias presentes nesse texto em minuciosos detalhes. Ao invés disso, colocaremos Ibn Khaldun sob uma luz diferente. Trataremos aqui da cosmovisão que está por trás dos escritos desse pensador. Acreditamos que ele tentou conciliar um método até então novo de fazer pesquisa histórica, sociológica e econômica, baseado na lógica aristotélica e em certo cuidado com os fatos, porém, sempre com a intenção de enquadrar suas descobertas em uma moldura teológica fundamentada no Alcorão. A partir desse esforço, buscaremos demonstrar como conceitos econômicos, políticos e religiosos fundamentam, em Os Prolegômenos, certa cosmovisão fatalista e cíclica da história e em quais pontos ela pode ser considerada extremamente autoral e exemplar para uma melhor compreensão do mundo islâmico do século XIV. / The 14th century thinker Ibn Khaldun (1332-1406) is considered by many to be a forerunner of the social sciences and the philosophy of history. His work, The Muqaddimah: an introduction to history, main object of study in the present work, is a milestone in general sociology, history and economics. The purpose of this dissertation is not to study the theories present in Ibn Khaldun\'s text in minute detail. Instead, we will put Ibn Khaldun in a different light. We will deal here with the worldview behind the writings of this thinker. We believe that he tried to reconcile a hitherto new method of doing historical, sociological and economic research, based on Aristotelian logic and some caution with facts, but always with the intention of conforming his findings in a theological framework based on the Quran. From this effort, we will try to demonstrate how economic, political and religious concepts in The Muqaddimah ground for a certain fatalistic and cyclical worldview on history and at what points it can be considered extremely authorial and exemplary for a better understanding of the Islamic world of 14th century.

O terrorismo tem hoje uma estrutura reticular e hipertrofiada e é percebido como ameaça à segurança internacional. Entre suas características estão o potencial de destruição em massa e o uso estratégico da mídia como via de acesso ao sistema de comunicação política, onde concorre pela cristalização das idéias dominantes e pela conquista dos públicos. Este estudo tem como objetivos identificar as características do terrorismo contemporâneo, observar como utiliza a mídia para sua projeção na esfera de visibilidade pública e finalmente realizar um mapeamento do enquadramento que recebeu nas revistas Isto É, Veja e Carta Capital entre setembro de 1999 e outubro de 2004. Concluiu-se que o terrorismo utiliza a ameaça para se projetar no espaço midiático, que efetivamente concorre pelo debilitamento moral do inimigo e pela conquista de apoio público e recursos, e que é apresentado na mídia como uma forma de guerra assimétrica que revela um conflito ideológico bipolar entre o liberalismo ocidental e o totalitarismo do islamismo radical. / Terrorism nowadays has a reticular, hypertrophic structure and it is seen as an international security threat. Among its characteristics are the potential for mass destruction and the strategic use of the media as a means of propelling itself into the political communication system seeking to enforce its ideas and win over public opinion. The aim of this study is to identify the features of contemporary terrorism, observe how it uses the media to advance its ideas in the public arena and, finally, examine how Brazil’s leading magazines Isto É, Veja and Carta Capital framed this issue between September 1999 and October 2004. In conclusion, terrorism uses threats to feature in the media, helping to morally weaken the enemy and win over public support and resources. The media, meanwhile, presents terrorism as a form of asymmetric warfare that highlights a bipolar ideological conflict between western liberalism and the totalitarianism of radical Islamism.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-27T19:30:36Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Henry Albert Yukio Nakashima.pdf: 4431633 bytes, checksum: f7761e5503bb09d0beaaf8424da129a1 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-08-23 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / From the second half of the 19th Century, migratory movements brought to Brazil people called "Arabs". Syrians, Lebanese, Palestinians and other nationalities who, due to social political economic conjunctures in their region, decided to come into other lands adventures. They left behind their families, they brought in the luggage longings, hopes, culture and religion. In Brazilian land - specifically in Sao Paulo, the case of this work they were established, they remained longer, they were adapted. This study investigated the adapting process, by which one of the immigrants religious practices, Islam, from the second half of the 20th Century, to São Paulo City. In the same way, as this practice, so different from local cultures, served as identity contribution for these people, besides being their Allah connection. The used instrument was the Muslims memory who lived in such period. From their interviews, the goal was to disclose this process. I take a place for history and fundamentals of this religion, and their presence in the Iberian peninsula, and also among African slaves in Brazil, stating that relationship between Islam and ourselves goes beyond any assumption. Among the whole existing Paulicéia cultural richness, Islam can not be ignored. The title in Arabic means: the religion is in the heart . This sentence is a quote from an immigrant who thinks that religion is beyond the adjustments which it has to pass through during the history. The idea summarizes the work / A partir da segunda metade do século XIX, as levas migratórias trouxeram para o Brasil os povos chamados "árabes". Sírios, libaneses, palestinos, além de outras nacionalidades que, em face das conjunturas sociais-econômicas-políticas de sua região, decidiram aventurar-se por outras terras. Deixaram para trás sua família; trouxeram na bagagem anseios, esperança, cultura e religião. Em terras brasileiras especificamente em São Paulo, no caso deste trabalho estabeleceram-se, permaneceram, adaptaram-se. Este trabalho investigou o processo pelo qual uma das práticas religiosas desses imigrantes, o Islamismo, a partir da segunda metade do século XX, passou para se adaptar à cidade de São Paulo. Da mesma forma, como essa prática, tão distinta das culturas locais, serviu de aporte identitário a essas pessoas, além de ser seu vínculo com Allah. O caminho utilizado foi a memória de muçulmanos que viveram o período em questão. A partir de suas entrevistas buscou-se desvelar esse processo. Reservo espaço para a história e os fundamentos dessa religião, além de sua presença na península ibérica e entre os negros escravizados no Brasil, demonstrando que nossa relação com o Islam vai além do que se pode supor. Dentro de toda riqueza cultural existente na Paulicéia, o Islam não pode ser ignorado. O título em árabe significa "a religião está no coração", afirmação de um imigrante ao dizer que ela está além das adaptações pelas quais passa, e que resume a ideia deste trabalho

A proposta deste estudo é a análise da propaganda política realizada no Irã, por ocasião da Revolução Islâmica no período de 1978 1988, através dos cartazes produzidos. Partindo do chamado \"paradigma de Karbala\", foram considerados no trabalho os diversos conteúdos que integram o universo revolucionário, a partir da perspectiva social, estética, religiosa e política. A interdição ao uso e culto das imagens, trazida na esteira do processo de islamização acelerada da sociedade iraniana, é um dos paradoxos considerados ao longo da tese. O referencial teórico levou em conta as especificidades únicas da cultura e da filosofia iraniana, na tentativa de melhor compreender as ações que envolvem a comunicação no universo xiita. / The aim of this study is the analysis of the political propaganda yielded in Iran through the posters that were produced between 1978 and 1988, during the Islamic Revolution. From the so-called Karbala paradigm, the study considers the various contents that integrate the revolutionary universe, taking into account the social, aesthetic, religious and political perspective. The interdiction to image use and cult, carried through the accelerated islamization process of the Iranian society is one of the paradoxes considered in this dissertation. The theoretical references took into consideration the uniqueness of the Iranian culture and philosophy, in an attempt to better understand the actions that involve the communication in the Shia universe.

O objetivo dessa pesquisa é analisar os fundamentos históricos do debate intelectual francês sobre a presença muçulmana no país e traçar suas características principais em um mapa crítico do debate. O estudo visa fornecer elementos de compreensão acerca dos desafios atuais e das possíveis conseqüências políticas desses projetos intelectuais para o futuro da integração ou da segregação dos muçulmanos franceses. / This research aimed at analyzing the historical foundations of the French intellectual debate on the muslim presence in the country, as well as forging a critical map of this debate. This study intends to provide tools for understanding both the current challenges involved and the possible political consequences of those intellectual projects to the future of integration or segregation of French muslims.

This study explores Islamism's interplay with higher education as the movement advances an agenda for worldwide reformation. Over an eighty-year period, Islamism has appropriated higher education institutions, professional associations, on- and off-campus organizations, and publications as a primary means to achieve its utopian objective of the Nizam Islami, or "Islamic Order." Findings show how the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt developed a Weberian bureaucratic organizational and administrative structure to exert influence not only in Egypt but also the world. A Qutb-inspired "hijra" of Muslim Brothers in universities proved itself adroit at filling macro-and micro-level policy vacuums in Soviet-aligned post-colonial societies, marginalizing traditional forms of Islamic faith. However, the movement was as likely to establish itself in other types of authoritarian states that alternately tried to appease and suppress the movement. The Islamist "hijra" came to North America in the 1960's, founding the Muslim Students Association and the Islamic Society of North America. Then, early leaders in those groups taught and studied at The University of South Florida (USF) in Tampa, Florida. Following the "successful" paradigm of the Muslim Brotherhood, Islamism's academic leaders brought to USF a program called "Islamization of society and knowledge"-disguised in the more benign term "civilizational dialogue"-which regards higher education as but another territory of reformation and conquest, or the dar al-harb. USF never addressed that aspect of re-Islamization from below (denoting quiet subversion of society) as a serious, possible academic freedom problem involving the politicization of USF's research and teaching mission. Re-Islamization from above (denoting violent destabilization of society) was debated, however, in a media campaign of Islamist dissembling that divided the university and its community for over a decade. Because of the stated hostility of Islamist education theory and practice to the academic enterprise, itself founded upon Enlightenment values of free inquiry, the study recommends that USF re-investigate the case about Sami Al-Arian, who was convicted in 2006 of providing services to the Palestinian Islamic Jihad, in part, by using the university as a front for his cause.

<ol><li>Why was there a strong reaction from Islamist MPs about the Americanisation of education in Kuwaiti schools?</li><li>Which parts of the textbooks were being questioned and which arguments were used?</li><li>Could there be any reasons to delete particular phrases in textbooks, which may seem to offend people of certain religious denominations?</li></ol><p>Kuwait as a state has been in earlier conflicts with Iraq, which has led to some Islamists not being in favour of Kuwait, getting support from the USA. The Islamists in these Arab states imply that the war between Kuwait and Iraq was a direct punishment from Allah as Kuwaitis were in close contacts with USA. That USA supported the Kuwaitis in the battle against Iraq is still an irritation subject for some Arab states.</p><p>At this juncture, I would like the reader to put into consideration that the books in question are written in Arabic hence, the difficulty in translation without an Arabic translator, has made it impossible to use them for this study.</p><p>Both the verses and the books that are in question were difficult to get hold of. It is therefore difficult to give a vivid description of what it contained for this thesis. My try to get hold of them has been to no results. However, I will continue trying and hopefully get hold of a translated version of them.</p><p>To summarise the whole issue in a nutshell one can say that the ministry of education said that USA were not pressuring them to make any changes in textbooks which could for that reason be a so-called Americanisation of Education. </p>

<p>ABSTRACT</p><p>Essay in Political Science, Advanced Continuation Course, 61-80 credits, by Jonas Nilsson</p><p>”The democratic islamist? - a study of three islamist movements and their potential role in a</p><p>democratization process”</p><p>Supervisor: Jonas Linde</p><p>The purpose of this work has been to explain to what extent islamist movements can be said to be</p><p>bearers of democratic values and if they have a role to play in future democratization processes. The</p><p>purpose of this work is also to examine the democratic views of the different islamist movements and</p><p>to compare them with each other in an effort to find a specific islamist definition of democracy.</p><p>The essay is a qualitative analysis of the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt, Front Islamique du Salut in</p><p>Algeria and Hezbollah in Lebanon. The analytical framework is based on the political institutions</p><p>included in Robert A. Dahl polyarchial democracy. The institutions provided by the polyarchial</p><p>model is used to define the islamist movements stand on democracy which is defined by three different</p><p>standpoints. The movements can either accept, decline or modify the various institutions and the</p><p>results from the analysis helps us to evaluate the future role of islamist movements in the</p><p>democratization process. The results also provides the opportunity to define a version of democracy</p><p>specific for the islamist movements. The conclusion I have made is that the islamist movements</p><p>included in the study have a part to play in a future democratization process. They have shown that</p><p>their commitment to the democratic ideals defined by Dahl is quite extensive and that they as</p><p>separate movements have developed a more advanced view of the relationship between islam and</p><p>democracy as a social order. Though democratic at first glance there are signs that the islamists</p><p>standpoint on democracy comes with certain reservations. The most significant of these</p><p>reservarvations is the islamists regard of islam as an overarching ideology and the subordinate role</p><p>of man made political systems such as democracy. However, the islamists have found ways to handle</p><p>this problem and points out the inherent democratic values in islam and thereby tries to circumvent</p><p>the problematic relationship between democracy and religion. The study also concludes that we can</p><p>define the islamist version of democracy as a specific form of democracy, a value-based participatory</p><p>democracy. This conclusion is based on the islamist emphasis on the importance of ethics, decency</p><p>and virtue in a society, at the same time as they also emphasize the need for legitimacy provided by</p><p>the people through free, fair and frequent elections.</p>

<p>Denna uppsats är en intervjustudie som omfattar sex utvalda muslimska kvinnor där jag valt att undersöka hur dessa kvinnor ser på muslimska baddräkter. Syftet med uppsatsen är att utreda huruvida dessa kvinnor uppfattar olika typer av muslimska baddräkter och även redogöra för vilka skiljaktigheter det finns mellan dessa kvinnors åsikter och vad dessa skillnader kan bero på. För att få fram olika representationer vad gäller dessa kvinnors tolkningar, kommer jag att använda mig av begreppet flerstämmighet för att lyfta fram olikheterna med hänsyn till de olika tolkningarna som finns inom en religiös grupp. Detta är för att diversiteten som finns inom den egna gruppen ska tydliggöras. Min teoretiska utgångspunkt är Olivier Roys post-globala teori som jag anser vara relevant för det valda temat. Roy diskuterar om vilken förändring det har skett bland muslimer, som lever i västeuropeiska länder, som konfronterats med globalisering och västernisering, valt att förhålla sig annorlunda där religionen inte längre har en social auktoritet.</p>

Im Zuge der Diskussionen um den Irakkrieg 2003 oder den Einsatz des israelischen Militärs gegen die Hisbollah 2006 konnte beobachtet werden, dass sich die extreme Linke stärker denn je dem politischen Islam angenährt hat. Zwar gab es bereits in den 1970ern Kooperationen linker und palästinensischer Terroristen, jedoch lässt sich festhalten, dass sich der Diskurs in Teilen der Linken (vor allem im „antizionistischen“, „antiimperialistischen“ Spektrum) ebenso wie bei den vormals eher säkular ausgerichteten arabischen Extremisten „islamisiert“ hat. Auf der anderen Seite finden sich im „islamischen Widerstand“ verschiedene Vokabeln und Denkfiguren wieder, die aus der „antiimperialistischen“ Rhetorik der Linken bekannt sind. Trotz dieser Auffälligkeiten gab es bislang nur wenige Versuche, die extreme Linke (teilweise auch die extreme Rechte) in Verbindung mit dem salafistischen Islamismus zu bringen. Der Islamismus gilt hierbei dann oftmals als „dritter Totalitarismus“ oder „Islamofaschismus“, der die Riege totalitärer Ordnungsvorstellungen von Marxismus-Leninismus und Faschismus/Nationalsozialismus um eine weitere Spielart erweitert. In der Regel erfolgt diese Einordnung und Bewertung jedoch im Rahmen politischer Kommentare oder Essays und ohne tiefer gehende theoretische Betrachtung. Arbeiten, die sich – meist aus Perspektive des bundesdeutschen Verfassungsschutzes – mit möglichen Querfrontbestrebungen beschäftigen, gleichen das theoretische Manko zwar teilweise aus, gleichzeitig jedoch entbehren sie einer tiefer greifenden Analyse der ideologischen Basis der betrachteten Extremismen und verharren bei den oberflächlich zu erkennenden Feinbildern der jeweiligen Strömungen als Vergleichsmaßstab. Die Arbeit schließt diese Lücke, indem sie in vergleichender qualitativer Betrachtung ideologische Schnittstellen zwischen der extremen Linken und dem salafistischen Islamismus untersucht. Den ideologischen Konstrukten kommt dabei eine wesentliche Rolle zu. Weltanschauliche Grundannahmen beeinflussen die Wahrnehmung der Umwelt und der eigenen Rolle innerhalb derselben; erst ihre Bindungskraft schafft einen Ordnungsrahmen, anhand dessen sich Gleichgesinnte zu einer Gruppe zusammenschließen können, um gemeinsame Ziele zu verfolgen. Diese Erkenntnis hat sich auch in konstruktivistischen Erklärungsansätzen internationaler Politik niedergeschlagen und beschränkt sich nicht nur auf die klassischen Akteure im internationalen System – die Nationalstaaten. Auch nichtstaatliche Akteure wie eben die Protagonisten des internationalen Terrorismus lassen sich auf diese Weise erfassen. In der Untersuchung wird nach einleitenden Begriffserklärungen und Ausführungen zur angewandten Methodik zunächst eine idealtypische extreme Linke konstruiert, deren spezifische Ziele, Feindbilder etc. (Primärebene) und Vorstellungen über den Weg zum Erreichen dieser Ziele (Sekundärebene) die Analysekategorie für den nächsten Untersuchungsschritt bilden. In diesem werden Quellen des Salafismus inhaltsanalytisch untersucht und so ideologische Schnittstellen aufgezeigt. Hierbei werden Sayyid Qutbs „Milestones“, Ayman az-Zawahiris „Knights under the Prophet’s Banner“ sowie verschiedene Botschaften Usama Bin Ladins als Quellenmaterial herangezogen. Der Fokus der Untersuchung liegt auf dem „al-Qa’idaismus“ als derzeit offensichtlichste Ausprägung eines weltweiten islamistischen Terrorismus. Ausgehend von der idealtypischen Linken werden dabei nicht nur Schnittmengen auf der Sekundärebene oder hinsichtlich gemeinsamer Feindbilder (Antisemitismus, Antiamerikanismus, Antikapitalismus) festgestellt, wie dies bereits von anderen Autoren teilweise vorgenommen wurde. Vielmehr finden sich auch bei der positiven Zielbestimmung zumindest deklaratorische Gemeinsamkeiten, wenn etwa auch im Islamismus eine „herrschaftsfreie Gesellschaft“ verwirklicht werden soll und das Ziel der Gleichheit aller Menschen propagiert wird. Abschließend wird die Frage diskutiert, ob sich aus den Ergebnissen neue Erkenntnisse hinsichtlich einer möglichen „Querfrontbildung“ zwischen der extremen Linken und dem Islamismus ergeben. Insbesondere durch Bin Ladin gab es bereits mehrfach Versuche, auch nicht-islamistische Kräfte für seinen Kampf zu gewinnen. Auch bei der extremen Linken finden sich Stimmen, die im Islamismus und seiner Betonung des Religiösen lediglich ein Überbleibsel alter Strukturen erkennen, die nach erfolgreichem antiimperialistischem Kampf verschwinden werden. Dass positive Zielbestimmungen geteilt werden, lässt eine Querfrontbildung zumindest von Teilen des linksextremen und islamistischen Spektrums möglich erscheinen. In dem Maße, in dem sich der „al-Qa’idaismus“ im Sinne des Modells der „Leaderless Resistance“ entwickelt, können sich auch einzelne Linksextremisten zu Solidaritätsaktionen ermutigt fühlen. / While the ideological threat by al-Qa’ida and other Islamist groups has been compared to Fascism before, comparisons with the extreme Left have been made rather seldom, despite the fact, that within the extreme Left there are noticeable trends to express solidarity with Islamists and their “anti-imperialist” struggle. At the same time, the rhetoric of leading figures of “al-Qa’idaism” borrows heavily from the social revolutionary vocabulary of the Left. This work compares key ideological premises of the extreme Left with those of Islamic fundamentalism, exemplified by Usama Bin Ladins al-Qa’ida, and derived from a content analysis of various sources of Islamism (Sayyid Qutb’s “Milestones”, Ayman az-Zawahiri’s “Knights under the Prophet’s Banner” as well as various messages by Usama Bin Ladin). Both ideologies are considered to be “resistance identities” (Castells), directed at the perceived dominance of liberal capitalism and globalization. Both propagate a pre-modern model for the organization of society, they believe to be tainted by modernism. As the first step in this approach, an ideal model of the extreme Left is constructed, trying to incorporate its various shapes into a single model. The goals and enemies (primary characteristics) as well as the proposed ways and means in order to achieve these goals (secondary characteristics) are then used in a content analysis of the sources on Islamism. While previous authors have found various convergences on the secondary level as well as common enemies, so far common goals beyond the immediate victory over the United States, Israel or capitalism have been dismissed as unlikely. This is explained by obvious differences between Islamists and leftists concerning the role of women in society or the importance of religion. However, a more thorough comparison of the two ideologies shows that, despite these differences, Islamists as well as Leftists propagate a societal model based on cooperation, without recourse to man-made laws or any form of government. This positively defined utopia could serve as a rationale for cooperation between leftist extremists and Islamists stretching beyond the “common enemy”. Already, members of the extreme Left have explained the popularity of Islamism within the Islamic world with the Marxian term of “opiate for the masses”, thus expressing belief that as soon as “repression” and “exploitation” of the Third World have ended, the need for religion will vanish. In this point of view, differences about the role of religion could be defused. The more “al-Qa’idaism” is transforming into a form of leaderless resistance, individual terrorist acts committed by Leftist extremist in “solidarity” with the “Islamic masses” could occur.