In this thesis I address the topic Islam and democracy. I argue that rather than asking whether Islam and democracy are compatible, Western theorists should be seeking out how Muslims practice democracy. The ultimate aim of this thesis is to present a groundwork for meaningful and inclusive cross-cultural democratic dialogue to use as a basis for a global discourse on democracy. My main argument is that the Islam and the West paradigm has occluded dialogue by miring the topic Islam and democracy in debate over whether the two are compatible. Accordingly, the contents of this work are dedicated to (1) deconstructing the Islam and the West paradigm and demonstrating its inadequacy as a viable approach to the topic Islam and democracy, and (2) presenting arguments for, and exploring sites of, Muslim democracy and post-Islamism as starting points for cross-cultural dialogue between Muslim and Western societies and theorists.

abstract: Belief affects behavior and rhetoric has the potential to bring about action. This paper is a critical content analysis of the ideology and rhetoric of key Islamist intellectuals and the Islamist organization Hizb ut-Tahrir, as stated on the website http://english.hizbuttahrir.org. The responses of specific Muslim Reformers are also analyzed. The central argument underlying this analysis centers on the notion that such Islamist ideology and its rhetorical delivery could be a significant trigger for the use of violence; interacting with, yet existing independently of, other factors that contribute to violent actions. In this case, a significant aspect of any solution to Islamist rhetoric would require that Muslim Reformers present a compelling counter-narrative to political Islam (Islamism), one that has an imperative to reduce the amount of violence in the region. Rhetoric alone cannot solve the many complicated issues in the region but we must begin somewhere and countering the explicit and implicit calls to violence of political Islamist organizations like Hizb ut-Tahrir seems a constructive step. / Dissertation/Thesis / M.A. Communication Studies 2010

Notre recherche aborde la question de l'État dans la pensée islamique moderne chez les réformateurs du 19ème siècle et les islamistes du 20ème siècle selon une approche pluridisciplinaire. Le réformisme musulman a mené le combat entre le despotisme, contre l'ignorance des populations et contre les ingérences européennes. Il était plus ouvert au constitutionnalisme qui ne diffère pas de la shûra et des finalités de la charî'a.C'est dans ce sillage que se forme la pensée des théoriciens islamistes, du moins au début avant de s'en détacher car par la suite les islamistes entreront en conflit avec le nationalisme arabe ainsi qu'avec la pensée libérale, voire avec l'État-nation. Par conséquent deux logiques s'affrontent sur la nature de l'État, les limites des pouvoirs, la légitimité, et concernant essentiellement la relation entre État national et la religion, point de la discorde. Cette relations est restée ambiguë depuis un siècle. Il en est né un État national ni religieux ni laïque mais qui a modernisé le droit des emprunts à la juridiction occidentale, sans appliquer toutefois une vraie démocratie qui respecterait les droits de l'homme et de la citoyenneté. Il y a une laïcité et une sécularisation de fait au niveau individuel comme au niveau sociétal en pays arabo-musulmans sans que cela touche le dogme, malgré les tentatives de modernisation. Mais à partir des années quatre-vingt-dix un courant émerge appelé les néo-réformateurs, qui acceptent le jeu démocratique et la souveraineté populaire. Cela constituera un grand tournant dans la pensée politique islamique. / Our research deals with the subject of the State in 19th and 20th century Islamic modern reformist thought in accordance with a multidisciplinary approach. Islamic reformism has fought against despotism, ignorance of the populace and European interference. It was open to constitutionalism which is not different from the Shura system and goals of the Shariia. The thinking of Muslim theorists took shape within this framework, at least for a while before Islamists decided to break with it. Later, Islamists relations with both Arabic nationalism and liberal thinking, indeed with the Nation-State as a whole, became conflictual.Thus, two points of view concerning the nature of the State, the limits of power, legitimacy, and essentially the very controversial relationship between the Nation State and religion confronted each other. This relationship remained ambiguous for a century. The product has been a Nation State that is neither religious nor secular, but which has modernized the law by borrowing from the Western judicial system, without, however, applying real democracy able to respect human rights and citizenship. A de facto, secularism does exist on an individual and social level in Arab-Muslim countries without influencing the dogma, despite attempts at modernization. But from the 1990s on, a neo-reformist current of thought has emerged, which accepts democracy and sovereignty of the people. This will constitute a big turning point in Arab-Muslim political thought.

Terrorism is a very complex and ever developing phenomenon, which can be construed as systematic use of organised violence against uninvolved persons for the purpose of achieving political, criminal or other goals. The struggle against it is very complicated, but necessary. Currently, many people especially connect this term with the Islamic religion. Islamic radicals justify the performed terrorist attacks by an extreme perception of the holy book of Quran and proclaim themselves as holy fighters for freedom. However, recent years have shown that terrorism has spread throughout the world and now with the mass migration represents one of the largest threats for today's society. Terrorism develops as fast as our society and prides itself with the ever growing popularity with sponsors of various kinds with different interests, who with their considerable not only financial support allow the terrorist groups to commit more and more sophisticated and destructive attacks. From the perspective of the CR it can be said that our state can fortunately be considered relatively safe, unlike other member countries of the EU. However, it is necessary to take into account the participation of the CR in the international antiterrorist operations, which without question make the CR a potential target of a possible terrorist attack. However, the participation in these missions is necessary. The currently largest terrorist group Islamic State included the Czech Republic in its list of the "crusade coalition" at the end of 2015, where all enemies of this "pseudo-state". The theoretical part of the thesis on the topic of the Development and action of terrorist groups with regard to the situation after 2001 especially deals with the issues of Islamic terrorist groups. In the introduction of the thesis, the fundamental terms of the issues in question, such as terrorism, Islam, jihad, Islamism, Islamic fundamentalism. The second part of the theoretical part of the thesis deals with terrorist organisations. Due to the current safety situation, the main attention was attached to the development and activity of major terrorist groups, that is Hezbollah, Hamas, and of course Al-Qaeda and the Islamic State. These selected terrorist organisations are elucidated in the theses as much as possible, including their leaders. Subsequently, further selected terrorist organisations are linked to these terrorist groups, namely Al-Gama'a al-Islamiyya, Palestine Islamic Jihad, and Taliban. In the initial chapter of the research part of the thesis, a research question is stated, which has been determined as follows: "What is the threat of a terrorist attack in the territory of the Czech Republic?", which directly follows the goal of the thesis, which was stipulated as: "Assessment of the threat of a terrorist attack in the territory of the Czech Republic depending on the development of the terrorist groups." Furthermore, the research methodology is stated. In the following chapter of the research part with the title "Results", the reader first familiarises himself with the largest terrorist attacks so far, which have taken place in the USA, on 11 September 2001 and were a turning point in the history of terrorism. The last pages of this part of the thesis contemplate the attacks of Islamic radicals and the situation in the West after 11 September 2001. The middle part of this chapter familiarises the reader with the threats of terrorism for the CR with an accent on Islamic terrorism. Attention is also paid to the Muslim community living in the CR and EU as a potential risk factor of a possible attack. The last part of this chapter of the thesis states semi-structured interviews, which were conducted with leading experts in the issues of terrorism. In the final chapter with the title "Discussion", an analysis of the examined areas is performed. In the conclusion of the thesis, the research question and the thesis objective are answered.

O pensador do século XIV Ibn Khaldun (1332-1406) é considerado por muitos um precursor das ciências sociais e da filosofia da história. Sua obra, Os Prolegômenos ou Filosofia Social, principal objeto de estudo no presente trabalho, é um marco na sociologia geral, na história e na economia. O objetivo desta dissertação não é estudar as teorias presentes nesse texto em minuciosos detalhes. Ao invés disso, colocaremos Ibn Khaldun sob uma luz diferente. Trataremos aqui da cosmovisão que está por trás dos escritos desse pensador. Acreditamos que ele tentou conciliar um método até então novo de fazer pesquisa histórica, sociológica e econômica, baseado na lógica aristotélica e em certo cuidado com os fatos, porém, sempre com a intenção de enquadrar suas descobertas em uma moldura teológica fundamentada no Alcorão. A partir desse esforço, buscaremos demonstrar como conceitos econômicos, políticos e religiosos fundamentam, em Os Prolegômenos, certa cosmovisão fatalista e cíclica da história e em quais pontos ela pode ser considerada extremamente autoral e exemplar para uma melhor compreensão do mundo islâmico do século XIV. / The 14th century thinker Ibn Khaldun (1332-1406) is considered by many to be a forerunner of the social sciences and the philosophy of history. His work, The Muqaddimah: an introduction to history, main object of study in the present work, is a milestone in general sociology, history and economics. The purpose of this dissertation is not to study the theories present in Ibn Khaldun\'s text in minute detail. Instead, we will put Ibn Khaldun in a different light. We will deal here with the worldview behind the writings of this thinker. We believe that he tried to reconcile a hitherto new method of doing historical, sociological and economic research, based on Aristotelian logic and some caution with facts, but always with the intention of conforming his findings in a theological framework based on the Quran. From this effort, we will try to demonstrate how economic, political and religious concepts in The Muqaddimah ground for a certain fatalistic and cyclical worldview on history and at what points it can be considered extremely authorial and exemplary for a better understanding of the Islamic world of 14th century.

Este estudo compara as situações políticas de Egito, Turquia e Argélia, três Estados de maioria muçulmana, onde existem movimentos políticos islâmicos influentes. Neste trabalho, é verificado se os movimentos e partidos islâmicos são compatíveis ou acomodáveis com os Estados egípcio, turco e argelino. Utilizando a comparação dos conceitos de soberania popular e democracia liberal com o Islã e o Islamismo (também conhecido como \"Islã político\"), são considerados todos os casos históricos de cada sociedade. / this study compares and contrasts political situations in Egypt, Turkey and Algeria, three muslim majority states, where there are political islam´s influent movements. In this work, it´s verified if the Islamic and islamist movements are compatible or accommodable to Egyptian, Turkish and Algerian secular states. Comparing and contrasting concepts of people´s sovereignty and liberal democracy to Islam and islamism (also known as \"political Islam\"), this study considers all the historical cases in each society.

Orientador: Omar Ribeiro Thomaz / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-16T02:17:07Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Cherem_YoussefAlvarenga_D.pdf: 1035958 bytes, checksum: 4a762265cb3536a4d795c76a9b2437a9 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010 / Resumo: Quais são os papéis e os signicados do conceito de jihad para os movimentos islamistas contemporâneos? Este trabalho pretende analisar o conceito de jihad na ideologia do jordaniano-palestino 'Isâm Muhammad Tâhir al-Barqâwî (Abû Muhammad al-Maqdisî). Com isso, procuraremos demonstrar que o jihad moderno, em sua manifestação salafista militante, está ligado a uma recomposição da identidade islâmica em três eixos: a crença ('aqîda), a lei (sharî'a) e a guerra/luta/combate (qitâl, jihâd, h. arb). O jihad, portanto, não pode ser dissociado da visão de mundo específica em que se insere. E, segundo o pensamento salalista-jihadista, é parte imprescindível do modo de vida do verdadeiro muçulmano. E, diversamente de outras leituras históricas e contemporâneas do jihad, esse jihad se torna, ele próprio, um modo de vida: uma missão, uma ideologia, e uma doutrina religiosa / Abstract: What are the roles and meanings taken by the concept of jihad for contemporary islamist movements?The aim of this work is to analize the concept of jihad in the ideology of the Palestinian-Jordanian 'Is.âm Muhammad T. âhir al-Barqâwî (Abû Muhammad al-Maqdisî). I contend that modern jihad, in its militant, salafi conception, is connected to a recomposing of Islamic identity on three axis: belief ('aqîda), law (sharî'a), and war/combat/fight (qitâl, jihâd, h.arb). Jihad, therefore, cannot be set apart from the specific worldview wherein it thrives. According to salafi-jihadi thought - and contrary to other historical and contemporary understandings among Muslims - jihad becomes a way of life in itself: a mission, an ideology, and a religious doctrine / Doutorado / Antropologia / Doutor em Antropologia Social

O terrorismo tem hoje uma estrutura reticular e hipertrofiada e é percebido como ameaça à segurança internacional. Entre suas características estão o potencial de destruição em massa e o uso estratégico da mídia como via de acesso ao sistema de comunicação política, onde concorre pela cristalização das idéias dominantes e pela conquista dos públicos. Este estudo tem como objetivos identificar as características do terrorismo contemporâneo, observar como utiliza a mídia para sua projeção na esfera de visibilidade pública e finalmente realizar um mapeamento do enquadramento que recebeu nas revistas Isto É, Veja e Carta Capital entre setembro de 1999 e outubro de 2004. Concluiu-se que o terrorismo utiliza a ameaça para se projetar no espaço midiático, que efetivamente concorre pelo debilitamento moral do inimigo e pela conquista de apoio público e recursos, e que é apresentado na mídia como uma forma de guerra assimétrica que revela um conflito ideológico bipolar entre o liberalismo ocidental e o totalitarismo do islamismo radical. / Terrorism nowadays has a reticular, hypertrophic structure and it is seen as an international security threat. Among its characteristics are the potential for mass destruction and the strategic use of the media as a means of propelling itself into the political communication system seeking to enforce its ideas and win over public opinion. The aim of this study is to identify the features of contemporary terrorism, observe how it uses the media to advance its ideas in the public arena and, finally, examine how Brazil’s leading magazines Isto É, Veja and Carta Capital framed this issue between September 1999 and October 2004. In conclusion, terrorism uses threats to feature in the media, helping to morally weaken the enemy and win over public support and resources. The media, meanwhile, presents terrorism as a form of asymmetric warfare that highlights a bipolar ideological conflict between western liberalism and the totalitarianism of radical Islamism.

Por meio de dois artigos, um de revisão bibliográfica e outro de pesquisa empírica, este trabalho busca examinar os impactos para o Egito, e as repercussões para o Oriente Médio, da ascensão da Irmandade Muçulmana ao poder após a deposição de Hosni Mubarak, ditador egípcio durante três décadas. O caso do Egito é o objeto da pesquisa pois exemplifica de forma cristalina como as aberturas democráticas nos países árabe-muçulmanos representam um enorme desafio para essas sociedades. A atuação da Irmandade Muçulmana em um ambiente de liberdade era aguardada por observadores dentro e fora do Oriente Médio pois, como principal movimento adepto do chamado islã político, seu sucesso ou fracasso poderiam indicar a possibilidade de êxito na construção das democracias locais, uma vez que parece inevitável o islamismo, como sinônimo de islã político, ser o primordial beneficiário da ruína dos regimes despóticos que grassam na região. Como base para esta análise, o primeiro artigo busca, por meio de uma revisão bibliográfica da história e da ideologia da Irmandade Muçulmana, desde sua fundação, em 1928, as explicações para o comportamento do grupo após a queda de Mubarak. O segundo artigo, por sua vez, estuda a conduta da política externa do Egito e reconstrói a forma como a ditadura de Mubarak desempenhava suas relações exteriores, comparando esta com a política externa do Egito durante o governo de Mohamed Morsi, irmão muçulmano eleito presidente do país em junho de 2012. Por fim, o segundo artigo busca entender os impactos provocados pelo período de governo da Irmandade Muçulmana na política externa do Egito na fase seguinte, após a deposição de Morsi (julho de 2013), em que o país passou a ser liderado pelo marechal Abdel Fattah al-Sissi, cujas ações na seara internacional são manifestamente tomadas em oposição não apenas à Irmandade Muçulmana, mas a qualquer elemento que possa ser identificado com o islã político. / Through two articles, a literature review and an empirical analysis, this paper seeks to examine the impacts to Egypt, and the implications for the Middle East, of the rise to power of the Muslim Brotherhood after the overthrow of Hosni Mubarak, Egyptian dictator for three decades. The case of Egypt is the object of research because it exemplifies in a crystalline way how the democratic openings in the Arab-Muslim countries represent a huge challenge for these societies. The performance of the Muslim Brotherhood in a freer environment was expected by observers inside and outside the Middle East because, as the main supporter of the movement called political Islam, its success or failure could indicate the possibility of success in the construction of local democracies, since it seems inevitable that Islamism, as synonymous with political Islam, be the primary beneficiary of the ruin of the despotic regimes that are rife in the region. As a basis for this analysis, the first article seeks, through a literature review of the history and ideology of the Muslim Brotherhood, since its founding in 1928, the explanations for the behavior of the group after the fall of Mubarak. The second article, in turn, studies the conduct of foreign policy of Egypt and reconstructs how the dictatorship of Mubarak played its foreign relations, comparing this with the foreign policy of Egypt during the reign of Mohamed Morsi, muslim brother elected president of the country in June 2012. Finally, the second article seeks to understand the impacts caused by the period of government of the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt\'s foreign policy in the next stage, after the deposition of Morsi (July 2013), in which the country was led by Marshal Abdel Fattah al-Sissi, whose actions in the international arena are clearly taken in opposition not only to the Muslim Brotherhood, but the elements which can be identified with political Islam.

A proposta deste estudo é a análise da propaganda política realizada no Irã, por ocasião da Revolução Islâmica no período de 1978 1988, através dos cartazes produzidos. Partindo do chamado \"paradigma de Karbala\", foram considerados no trabalho os diversos conteúdos que integram o universo revolucionário, a partir da perspectiva social, estética, religiosa e política. A interdição ao uso e culto das imagens, trazida na esteira do processo de islamização acelerada da sociedade iraniana, é um dos paradoxos considerados ao longo da tese. O referencial teórico levou em conta as especificidades únicas da cultura e da filosofia iraniana, na tentativa de melhor compreender as ações que envolvem a comunicação no universo xiita. / The aim of this study is the analysis of the political propaganda yielded in Iran through the posters that were produced between 1978 and 1988, during the Islamic Revolution. From the so-called Karbala paradigm, the study considers the various contents that integrate the revolutionary universe, taking into account the social, aesthetic, religious and political perspective. The interdiction to image use and cult, carried through the accelerated islamization process of the Iranian society is one of the paradoxes considered in this dissertation. The theoretical references took into consideration the uniqueness of the Iranian culture and philosophy, in an attempt to better understand the actions that involve the communication in the Shia universe.