This thesis examines the attitude of Malaysia’s Islamist movements – (1) The Pan-Malaysian Islamic Party (PAS); (2) The National Trust Party (AMANAH); (3) The Muslim Youth Movement of Malaysia (ABIM) and (4) the Malaysian Muslim Solidarity Front (ISMA) towards the 2011 Arab Uprisings events or popularly known as the ‘Arab Spring’ in the Middle East and North Africa. In particular, it explores the knowledge and perceptions of selected Islamist movement activists, politicians and members in Malaysia towards the Arab Uprisings as well as considering how the events impact their activism, political approach and attitudes towards the issues of regime change, civil disobedience, political revolution, democracy, Islamism and political stability. This thesis also identifies a number lessons learnt by the Malaysian Islamists from the development of post-Arab Uprisings in the MENA region. The tendency of Malaysian Islamists to be influenced by the development in the Middle East and global political Islam are not seen as something new as evidently shown in the case of the 1979 Iranian Islamic Revolution. This popular event was known for its indirect impact on the political activism and approaches of PAS and ABIM in Malaysia back in the 1980-1990s, as well as inspiring many Malaysian Islamists to uphold the struggle of establishing an Islamic state in the country. Following the recent uprisings in several Arab states, which also witnesses the rise of Arab Islamist parties in securing a ruling power, these events have also been widely followed by the Malaysians in general and the Islamists in particular with great interest. Furthermore, the major involvement of Malaysian Islamists in a series of mass protests, popularly known in Malaysia as the “Bersih movement” (circa 2011-2016), against the ruling government, were perceived by numerous local and foreign journalists as an attempt to create a “Malaysian Spring” which inspired by the ‘Arab Spring’ phenomenon for the sake of toppling the current regime. However, there have been strong opinions voiced by the Malaysian authorities and various local scholars suggesting that there was no basis for presuming an Arab Uprisings impact in the context of the Malaysian experience. This raises the question of the relationship between the Arab Uprisings and Malaysian Islamists. Nevertheless, no matter how relevant the questions raised between Malaysia’s Islamist movements and the ‘Arab Spring’, the central concern that needs to be highlighted is the extent to which Malaysian Islamists grasp the fundamental issues of the 2011 Arab Uprisings before jumping to any conclusion about the polemics of the “Malaysian Spring”. In so doing, both quantitative and qualitative methods were applied through a questionnaire based-survey which was conducted in Malaysia involving 530 respondents, primarily among the registered and active representative of Malaysian Islamist between the ages of 18 and 45, as well as 15 in-depth interviews with selected Malaysian Islamist activists and leaders ranging from those in opposition political parties (PAS and AMANAH) to those in non-government Islamist organisations (ABIM and ISMA). The survey of Malaysian Islamists’ attitudes towards the Arab Uprisings development covered a variety of dimensions, namely understanding the general issues about the Arab Uprisings’ phenomenon, factors that lead to the Uprisings, the role of Islamist movements, the influences of the Uprisings on Malaysia’s Islamist movements activism and finally lessons learnt from the Arab Uprisings. The data is statistically analysed with the assistance of the SPSS computer package, and by using a number of statistical procedures, such as frequencies and cross-tabulations. The outcome of this research shows that the majority of respondents have an outstanding knowledge on the Arab Uprisings which was mostly obtained via new social media such as Facebook and Twitter, along with mixed perceptions toward the events. Furthermore, they also reached an understanding that the uncertainties in the Arab world would eventually lead to another wave of uprisings in the long term. Speaking of the global impact of the Arab Uprisings events, some elements of political repression, coupled with corruption and power abuses (which some claimed to be practised by the Malaysian regime), led to a number of Malaysian Islamists believing that they were inspired by the acts of mass street protests during the Arab Uprisings. This inspiration came when they witnessed the ousting of several long-serving autocratic Arab rulers in their respective states by the Arab protesters. However, the fear of insecurity and political instability which is currently evident in the post-Arab Uprisings in Egypt, Libya, Syria and the Yemen led to many respondents favouring political stability rather than regime change. Most of the respondents were quite sceptical about the polemics of the “Malaysian Spring” as most of them neither disagreed nor agreed that the series of political rallies by the Bersih movement were an indirect effort to topple the ruling government which was ‘accused’ by several pro-government media, politicians and authorities in Malaysia. Overall, this empirical research found that the majority of Malaysian Islamists from PAS, ABIM, ISMA and AMANAH are supportive of a free and democratic elections as a relevant medium for political change, rather than overthrowing the current regime via civil disobedience, street demonstration, or ‘revolution’.

This thesis analyzes the evolution of the relationship between the Hashemite regime and the Jordanian Muslim Brotherhood from 1946 to 2007. Reformist and pragmatic rhetoric of the Jordanian Muslim Brotherhood distinct from the most of other Muslim Brotherhood branches operating in different countries in the Middle East enabled it to set up relatively harmonious relations with the Hashemite regime without being declared as illegal even in crisis periods. While focusing on this interesting case, this study reveals that the relationship between the Hashemite regime and the Jordanian Muslim Brotherhood is mostly affected and shaped by two variables: regime survival concern and the regional context. In this regard, it maintains that the relations between the two parties have evolved around the policies of coexistence, cooperation, control and repression as well as containment with respect to the change in regime&rsquo / s survival concern and regional developments related to the Palestinian issue. This thesis argues that the period from 1946, when the Muslim Brotherhood was legalized as a charitable organization in Jordan, to the end of 1980s is generally marked with a coherent and cooperative relations between the two parties since their interests overlapped. However, since the beginning of 1990s the relationship began to deteriorate due to a shift in the interests of both parties as a result of developments in the regional context, namely Israeli-Palestinian conflict and the rise of political Islam globally.

This thesis analyzes the transformation of Islamism from an anti-systemic and oppositional force to a compliant and submissive political ideology. The thesis locates the approach towards established political and economic relations at its centre. The thesis argues that the transformation, which led to formation of the Justice and Development Party, has begun in the late 1980s and early 1990s. To give the contours of this transformation, the thesis presents a detailed analysis of anti-systemic and systemic phases of Islamism in Turkey. The thesis tries to demonstrate this transformation through focusing on the major debates within the Islamist intellectual circles. The study suggests thinking the transformation of Islamism together with themes such as neoliberal globalization, postmodernism and multiculturalism. The thesis points out that, Islamism of the 1970s and 1980s, which can be considered as a form of Third Worldist populism has been gradually transformed into an ordinary, conservative ideology.

Understanding the motives behind Islamist terrorist attacks is not only relevant for the field of politics but preoccupies research within academia. One of the most debated is certainly the role of religion. This thesis addresses this gap by asking the question, what role does religion play in the radicalization processes of Islamist terrorists attacking western targets? It combines an emotional approach to religion, with religiosity as defined by religious practices in everyday life and by the self-perception of individuals themselves. It further argues that when religion is perceived as emotionally meaningful, this results in spiritual selective incentives, individuals perceive as worth engaging in terrorism. Using process tracing and structured focused comparison, it conducts an analysis of the radicalisation processes of three individuals, within a comparative case study design, using autobiographies, court documents, previous case studies and news articles. The results show that the individuals perceived their emotions in a religious context and support is found for the hypothesis that justification for violence emerges out of religious motives. The Thesis concludes that religion does have explanatory power as an independent variable, but causal relationships are complex. This leaves room for further research which focuses more on religion as an independent variable.

Boko Haram (BH) insurgency is driven by Islamist ideology and hegemony, nurtured mainly on failed education and sociopolitical policies and less by economic realities in Nigeria. Military counterinsurgency (hard COIN) successes are necessary but not sufficient to neutralize resurgence. The framework for this study was behavior modification by targeted holistic education policy (THEP) over ruminated frustration-aggression of drive theory. The purpose of this cross-sectional study was to conduct a survey of educated participants (N = 95), randomly selected from education campuses in Nigeria, to estimate the power (relationship) of THEP over time to neutralize BH resurgence (NBHR). The data from a survey developed for this study were analyzed with descriptive, ANOVA, ANCOVA, and MANCOVA statistics. The powers of THEP applied from nursery through college (age 21) to NBHR or reduce the foot soldiers'€™ recruitment pools (FSRP) and correlations were evaluated. All 7 regression models rejected the null hypotheses. THEP and covariables including illiteracy (IL), political conspiracy (PC) or Islamic hegemony (IH), religious extremism (RE), and economic realities (ER) were related to NBHR. PC correlated inversely with THEP and IL inversely with reducing FSRP. ER had the least impetus (power) to drive resurgence. The results of this study can be used to promote positive social change by providing information on the prospects (estimated power) of THEP, acting with other COIN measures, to NBHR. The study may contribute to a better understanding of the impetus and solution to BH resurgence, but calls for further investigation into the power of nonmilitary COIN, particularly THEP, in Nigeria.

Dissertation｜2460442M Abstract The discourses structuring news coverage of terrorist attacks influence our understanding of the nature, drivers and severity of the threat emanating from a specific extremist actor category. Therefore, they are a powerful tool to further socio-political goals. Acknowledging the role of language in shaping reality, this dissertation project uses Critical Discourse Analysis/Critical Discourse Studies to reveal current discursive trends in the understudied coverage of Islamist and right-wing extremist attacks in the Swiss press. With the dominant social factor distinguishing the two extremist categories being ethnicity, it hypothesises that Western media discourses reflect the presuppositions of Orientalism and Critical Race Theory. Both theories expect texts to express, enact and legitimise social hierarchies based on racial affinity to solidify the supremacy of the white elite. The exemplarily analysis of the reporting of two recent extremist incidents by three newspapers representing political perspectives from the right-wing to the left-wing shows that while the Swiss press is indeed influenced by and reproduces racial inequalities, publications do so to a varying degree.

Recent years’ terrorist attacks in Europe and the flow of foreign fighters joining the terrorist organisation Daesh, has made the understanding of radicalisation evermore crucial. This thesis investigates if push and pull factors leading into violent Islamic extremism differentiate between men and women. Furthermore, it assesses how preventive measures from The United Kingdom, Sweden and Denmark targets push and pull factors and if these are sensitive to sex. To fulfil this objective an exploratory thematic analysis was used to synthesise secondary qualitative research surrounding push and pull factors. The push and pull factor analysis revealed three trends: there were limited variation in the overall categories describing the push and pull factors present for men and women; what caused push and pull factors to manifest differed according to sex; and, there were differences in how much men and women were affected by these factors. The assessment of prevention measures showed that none of the measures explicitly mentioned push and pull factors, yet they all had the potential of targeting these. Sex was included in some aspects of the measures, but was not a consideration in relation to the targeting of push and pull factors. The thesis ends with a discussion of what implications the found results have for practice and offers suggestions to how prevention measures can be improved.

Since the Islamic Revolution in 1979 Iran has employed a deliberate and successful strategy centered around the use and support of various proxies, notably Hezbollah and Hamas who are part of the Iranian led Axis of Resistance. There is a vast literature that has studied different aspects of this Iranian proxy dimension, but relatively little research has been conducted on propaganda as a unifying mechanism. This thesis thus expanded upon the current literature through a content analysis of the propaganda produced by Iran, Hezbollah, and Hamas in order to gain a fuller understanding of how cross-group cohesion has been achieved. The analysis incorporated social identity theory, and identified how the propaganda could be used in accordance with three theoretical dimensions: Identity constructions, Justification for Violence, and Weaponization of the ummah. The findings revealed how cross-group cohesion was achieved through the creation of a dichotomous worldview, consisting of an ingroup that is existentially threatened by an outgroup consisting of the West and Jews. Moreover, they use conspiratorial rhetoric combined with victimhood in order to frame the struggle as an ongoing religious war against Islam. The thesis concludes with a theoretical discussion on the normative assumptions that underpin the propaganda, arguing that the cross-group cohesion is dependent on the creation of shared identities based on victimhood, religious references, and the creation of shared external enemies.

Terrorism poses a great threat for societies all over the globe. Research on the phenomenon of terrorism used to be predominantly focused on men, and if women's participation was recognized, they were oftentimes not seen as active agents of terrorism. Reasons for that are found in the stereotypical assumption that women are generally passive and/or nurturing. Not acknowleding the participation of women in terrorism is dangerous, as terrorist groups have become increasingly aware of the stereotypes and untilize them to their advantage. Therefore, this thesis aims to map the existing research on women in far-right, and Islamist terrorism, focusing on their roles and motivations. This is done by conduction a scoping review based on 19 English-language peer-reviewed articles, utilizing five online databases. The results show that even though women are holding a variety of active roles in both types of terrorism, the most prominent role is still that of the mother and wife. Research on women in Islamist terrorism illustrates a great variety of motivations, dividing between Western and non-Western women. Research on women in far-right terrorism, on the other hand, only offers indirect knowledge about their motivations. Nevertheless, the results illustrate that women are driven to participate in terrorist groups by shared ideologies and belifes, similar to men. Despite limitations, such as resorting to Western-centric research, or the challenging use of terminologies and definitions, the review holds interesting implications for future research and prevention of (female) terroism. The importance of recognizing women as valid agents of terrorism is emphasized.

This study examines who is part of the Swedish network of violent and violence-promoting Islamist extremism and whether the social network is a case of „new social movement‟. Through a social network analysis of violent and violence-promoting Islamist extremists in Sweden the results shows that there is a loose Swedish network with global nodes. The social network in Sweden is analyzed through the framework of New Social Movement theory and the connections between the global jihad and the Swedish network are examined. The result is that the network cannot be seen as a case of „new social movement‟. However, several individuals of the network can be seen as part of the global jihad and therefore a case of „new social movement‟. More academic research is needed on violent and violence-promoting Islamist extremism in Sweden, especially on why and how these actors are radicalized. In addition, more research is needed on how to prevent and counter violent and violence-promoting Islamist extremism.