This thesis argued that the Jain community in the diasporic context of the USA has invented a new form of Jainism. Sectarian negotiations are the distinguishing marks of the diaspora Jain community and their invented form of Jainism. Based on ethnographic study that is, interviews and observations conducted at four different sites (Jain temples/communities) from June-August 2016, the thesis examined the sectarian negotiations among the diaspora Jain community in the USA and the invented Jain tradition that is resulting from these negotiations. The central questions of the research on which this thesis is based were: 1) what are the levels, processes and results of sectarian negotiations within the Jain diaspora community in the USA, and 2) what is the nature and characteristic of the new form of Jainism, the invented tradition; and how do Jains in the USA experience and use it.

This thesis examines how lay members of the Jain and Quaker traditions understand and navigate ideals of non-ownership. The tenets of aparigraha (non-ownership) and the testimony of simplicity are explored to show how interpretation of sacred texts leave open the possibility for financial success. Through interviews with members of Jain and Quaker communities in the US, and textual research, I assert that proper methods for earning, maintaining and using capital in each tradition transcend prohibitions against excess accumulation. Following Foucault and Weber, I show that proper ethical ways of earning and spending money depend on community-based interpretations and self-policing. My research suggests that lay members focus on ethical ways to earn and spend money rather than the amount of wealth they possess. Due to these foci, transgressions of ideals are viewed within community-established norms, which maintain high levels of engagement with both the capital world and their own religious tradition.

Cette thèse a pour objet l’étude des images du dieu Kubera (nommé aussi Vaiśravaṇa ou Jambhala) dans le monde indien, de leur apparition (vers 150 avant notre ère) jusqu’au XIIe siècle. Dans l’hindouisme, Kubera a comme fonctions principales d’être le maître des yakṣa, le dieu de la richesse et le gardien (lokapāla) du nord. Kubera a été également intégré parmi les divinités mineures du bouddhisme et du jaïnisme. Cette thèse s’attache à présenter les caractéristiques de la personnalité de Kubera dans la littérature, puis à étudier chronologiquement l’évolution de son iconographie. Cette thèse cherche à démontrer que la personnalité de Kubera est plus riche et plus complexe que ce qui est généralement admis et que ses images sont en fait plus variées que ce que l’on pourrait penser. En plus de ses fonctions classiques, Kubera est ainsi fortement associé en milieu hindou à la fonction royale. Il est aussi fréquemment représenté avec Gaṇeśa et la déesse Lakṣmī. Ses « trésors » (nidhi) personnifiés (la Conque et le Lotus) ornent de nombreux sanctuaires. Son image est particulièrement complexe dans l’art du Gandhāra (entre le milieu du Ier siècle et le IIIe siècle de notre ère) où son iconographie résulte d’une fusion de ses fonctions traditionnelles avec la personne de Pāñcika, son général en chef et l’époux de Hāritī, ainsi qu’avec le dieu Pharro d’origine iranienne et avec l’Hermès/Mercure gréco-romain. Kubera peut également dans l’art bouddhique apparaître comme un gardien du Buddha et de son enseignement, tandis que dans le jaïnisme, il est à l’origine de l’image de la plupart des gardiens chargés de la protection personnelle des vingt-quatre Jina. / This thesis is a study of the images of god Kubera (also called Vaiśravaṇa or Jambhala) in South Asia, from their origin (c. 150 B.C.) to the 12th century. In Hinduism, Kubera is mainly the Lord of the yakṣa, the Lord of Riches and the guardian (lokapāla) of the north. Kubera has also been included with the minor divinities of Buddhism and Jainism. The aim of this work is to present the features of Kubera’s character that can be found in literature and to study the chronological evolution of his iconography. This thesis seeks to prove that Kubera’s personality is more complex and richer than generally admitted, and that his images are more varied than one might think. In addition to his traditional roles, Kubera in Hinduism is strongly linked to sovereignty. He is often represented in association with Gaṇeśa and goddess Lakṣmī. His personified “treasures” (nidhi), the Conch-Shell and the Lotus, decorate numerous temples. Kubera’s image is particularly complex in Gandharan art (1st to 3rd centuries A.D.) where his iconography is the result of the fusion of his traditional functions with Pāñcika (Kubera’s general in chief and Hāritī’s husband), Iranian god Pharro and Greco-Roman god Hermes/Mercury. In Buddhist art, Kubera can be a protector of the Buddha and His Law, whereas in Jainism, he has given rise to most images of the guardians in charge of protecting the twenty-four Jinas.

This thesis investigates the nature of environmental racism, a by-product of “slow violence” under capitalism, from the perspective of Jain philosophy. By observing slow violence through the lens of Jain doctrine and ethics, I investigate whether the central tenets of ahimsa and karma are philosophically anti-capitalist, and if there are facets within Jain ethics supporting slow violence. By analyzing the ascetic and lay ethical models, I conclude that the maximization of profit and private acquisition of lands/resources are capitalist attributes that cannot thrive efficiently under a proper Jain ethical model centered on ahimsa (non-harm, non-violence) and world-denying/world-renouncing practices. Conversely, karma and Jain cosmology has the potential to support slow violence when considering their philosophical and fatalistic implications. Furthermore, by connecting the theory of slow violence with the theory of microaggressions, I assert that, while resolving microaggressions, Jainism’s highly individualistic ethical system can hinder confronting slow violence.

Le but de ce mémoire est d’observer et de comprendre l’évolution des valeurs de la jeunesse jaïne en contexte de diaspora. Dans son idéal, l’aboutissement de toute vie jaïne est l’atteinte de la libération de l’esprit. Pour y parvenir, un jaïn doit vivre dans le respect de cinq piliers fondamentaux, dont le principal est le pilier de la non-violence. La non-violence, ou ahimsa, doit être comprise au sens propre comme au sens figuré. Celle-ci s’applique à la non-violence dans la pensée et dans l’action. Les autres piliers sont de ne pas voler, ne pas mentir, le non-attachement et la chasteté partielle. Lorsque ces piliers sont intégrés aux actions d’un individu, la vie jaïne est souvent vécue dans une mentalité de détachement de possessions matérielles, de justesse et de respect pour toutes formes de vie. Cela fait en sorte que la communauté jaïne est réputée pour son éthique, sa justesse et son écologie. Ainsi, dans un contexte où la jeunesse canadienne aborde et aspire à une purification de ses valeurs et à un renouveau écologique, il devient intéressant de voir comment la jeunesse jaïne canadienne navigue dans cette évolution laïque qui s’accorde avec des piliers religieux datant de millénaires. C’est par un processus d’entrevues avec des jeunes jaïns, nés au Canada comme en Inde, et ayant une interprétation plus orthodoxe ou plus moderne de leur religion, que ce mémoire va tenter de saisir l’évolution des valeurs et de la spiritualité de la jeunesse jaïne en contexte de diaspora. / The purpose of this research is to study and understand the evolution of Jain youths’ values in a context of diaspora. In its ideal, the finitude of all Jain life is the attainment of liberation of the spirit. To achieve this, a Jain must live by respecting five fundamental pillars, the main one being the pillar of non-violence. Non-violence, or ahimsa, should be understood both literally and figuratively. This applies to non-violence in thought and in action. The other pillars are not stealing, not lying, non-attachment, and partial chastity. When these pillars are integrated into the actions of an individual, Jain life is often lived in a mentality of detachment from material possessions, righteousness and respect for all forms of life. This ensures that the Jain community has a reputation for its ethics, fairness and ecology. Thus, in a context where Canadian youth approaches and aspires to a purification of its values and an ecological renewal, it becomes interesting to see how Canadian Jain youth navigates in this secular evolution, which accords with religious pillars dating from millennia. It is through a process of interviews with young Jains born in Canada, as in India, and having a more orthodox or more modern interpretation of their religion, that this thesis will attempt to grasp the evolution of values and spirituality of Jain diasporic youth in Canada.

L’œuvre de Banārasīdās (1586-1643), marchand et poète jaina actif dans la région d’Agra, s’appuie sur la pensée du maître digambara Kundakunda (c. IIIe s. de notre ère) pour chanter la véritable nature du soi, intrinsèquement pur, réalité suprême d’un point de vue absolu (niścaya-naya). La condition laïque de Banārasīdās l’oblige pourtant à envisager aussi la religion d’un point de vue conventionnel (vyavahāra-naya), aidé en cela par des échelles de progression spirituelle ménagées par la doctrine jaina et décrites notamment par Nemicandra (Xe siècle). Il est intéressant de suivre en diachronie l’articulation entre les deux points de vue, depuis le Samayasāra, ouvrage fondateur de Kundakunda, jusqu’à Śrīmad Rājacandra, un saint personnage de la fin du XIXe siècle, en s’attardant particulièrement sur les membres du mouvement Adhyātma dont Banārasīdās a été l’un des plus brillants promoteurs. / The works of Banārasīdās (1586-1643), a Jain merchant and poet active in the region of Agra, is largely based on the thought of the Digambara philosopher Kundakunda (c. third century). The latter invited to search for the true nature of the self seen as the only reality from an absolute point of view (niścaya-naya). The layman condition of Banārasīdās obliged him to consider also his own religion from a conventional point of view (vyavahāra-naya). He was helped by his discovery of the spiritual scales prepared by the Jain doctrine and described in detail by Nemicandra (tenth century). It is rewarding to look at the articulation between the two points of view in a historical perspective, from the Samayasāra, the major work of Kundakunda, up to Śrīmad Rājacandra, a holy layman of the late nineteenth century, with a particular focus on the members of the Adhyātma movement whose Banārasīdās was one of the most successful instigators.