The Winter’s Tale (1611) and The Tempest (1611) are two of Shakespeare’s romances, written under the patronage of James I of England. While Shakespeare’s history plays have received extensive critical attention regarding their political commentaries, these have not. History raises political questions by nature; however, it is also important to look at the political dimensions of Shakespeare’s fictional rulers. The Winter’s Tale’s Leontes, and The Tempest’s Prospero, because of their invented natures, allow the playwright to explore contemporary political crises or questions with more freedom than history allows. Shakespeare’s political exploration of these men involves assessing their fitness to rule, comparing their transformations to texts concerning kingship, such James’s political treatises. These texts raise the possibility that Shakespeare is similarly investigating a model of the ideal king. Looking at the elements of power, knowledge, and patriarchy, my thesis focuses on what Shakespeare is suggesting about ideal rule and the ruler.

Nous proposons une appréhension conjointe de la royauté dans ces trois royaumes de l’Orient chrétien, établis respectivement à la fin des XIe et XIIe siècles, ce qui constitue une approche historique et anthropologique inédite. Ces royaumes partagent l’originalité de situations de fondation ou de refondation qui permettent d’envisager non seulement les cadres structurels mais surtout le substrat théorique qui sous-entend la construction étatique. Dans les cas que nous étudions, cela se traduit par le choix, non automatique et donc réfléchi, d’une forme de gouvernement par l’instauration d’une royauté. Nous nous interrogeons sur son unicité, la solidité de ses structures et finalement son caractère dynamique puisqu’elle s’articule sur une communauté actrice de sa fondation, de sa délégation et de son exercice même. Et ces royautés s’établissent sur des espaces nouveaux qui nécessitent des territorialisations dont les aspects symboliques sont remarquables et plus prégnants que les réalités parfois altérées.À partir d’un large corpus de documents, notre analyse est fondée sur la notion de représentation qui induit un processus de diffusion, d’acceptation et révèle la malléabilité du concept de royauté intrinsèquement lié à des éléments de dynamiques internes et externes. La royauté s’avère alors avant tout interactive, fondée sur un faisceau de légitimités concourantes plus que concurrentes, renvoyant à ses dimensions plurielles. Les parts collectives et personnelles s’imbriquent, supposant un pouvoir plus partagé que délégué avec une diversité d’acteurs. / We propose a joint apprehension of those three kingdoms in Christian East, which is an original historical and anthropological analysis. Those kingdoms share the original aspect of being state’s foundation, so we consider the structural and theoretical frameworks which underlie the state construction. In those cases it appears that the choice of a kingship as a government way in conscious and well-considered. We wonder about its uniqueness and its dynamics because this kingship is built by an active community of the constituents of the kingdoms which work for its foundation, its exercise and its delegation. These kingships settle in new spaces which need to be characterized and present symbolic aspects in link with the Holy land. From a wide corpus of documents, we analyze the concept of representation: the process of acceptance of power with its ways and supports of diffusion, its contents, particularly how they are defined by the actors of kingship themselves in order to justify the mediating and eminent position of the king.

D.Litt. et Phil. (Biblical Studies) / The God of the Bible is like an axiom, never proved, yet the basis of all life and living. Axioms are never proved, but they are the essential presuppositions on which every other proof rests. But this does not say that the idea of God in the Bible does not change. Man's grasp of the character of God developed from age to age and from centuary to centuary often due to particular socio-political circumstances. It began with some primitive ideas about God. God was regarded as a storm god dwelling in a mountain, whose major activity was war. He was also seen as a person, physical I y embodied, though superhumanIy powerfulI, who could conceivably be seen and who, in the earliest strata of the Scripture walked and talked, wrestled, dined and smelled and who shared with man a wide gamut of good and bad emotions. Further, in those earliest times God was a tribal god. He was the possession of the people of Israel, just as the people of Israel was his possession. God's power is also thought to be limited to his territory and to his people. This limitation to the power of God is to some extent taken away when God becomes the God of Canaan, for then He became an agricultural god as well. In the wilderness journeys there had been no possibility of this, but once the people came to Canaan they got into contact with the Canaanite Baals who were not only giving victory in battle...

Gothic tribes settled on the lower Danube and on the northern shore of the Black Sea entered in the year 376 the territory of the Roman Empire. This was followed by fierce fighting and migration of the Goths, who passed through the Balkans and Italy and reached Aquitaine in 413, where they settled temporarily. Here, originally various Gothic groups were formed into the one tribe gens, which we now call Visigoths. The pressure of the Franks from the north forced the Visigoths to leave Aquitaine at the beginning of the 6th century and move on to the Iberian Peninsula. Here the Visigoths established their own Kingdom of Toledo. Because the Visigoths at the time of their formation were not a homogeneous group, but rather a lose conglomerate of various barbarian groups and military units, they had no tradition of appointing their rulers. For this reason, they created the mechanism of the royal elections. Vallia was the first elected king in 415. During Visigothic history, a sequence of elected kings was disrupted several times by attempts of some kings to enforce a hereditary monarchy. This led in 633 to the enactment of the royal elections at the 4th Council of Toledo. Other ecclesiastical councils further improved the principles of election. The work will focus on the development of the Visigothic...

The rise of Anglo-Saxon kingship has many influences, yet current scholarly discussion tends to focus on a select few. This thesis aims to analyze an oft-ignored factor in the development of kingship in Anglo-Saxon England. By discussing the influences of domestic production, international trade, food-based tribute, and royal feasting on Anglo-Saxon kingship from the fifth to the eleventh centuries, the role of food consumption in the development of kingship can be articulated. This thesis begins with a discussion of the practices of Anglo-Saxon domestic food production. Systems of agriculture and animal husbandry are analyzed, along with the various methods used to procure domestic prestige foods. This chapter explores the links between conceptions of land ownership and the legitimacy of kingly rule. A discussion of international trade in prestige food follows, analyzing the ways in which the developing relationship between Anglo-Saxon England and the European Continent shaped internal and external conceptions of kingship. Following this chapter, a discussion of the variant chronological forms of Anglo-Saxon kingship is pursued. This discussion culminates in a case study of the collection of food-rents throughout the Anglo-Saxon occupation of England, revealing the connections among land ownership, status goods, and long-distance organization in the rise of kingship. An analysis of the development of Anglo-Saxon feasting follows, displaying the links between the use of prestige foods and relationships based on systems of obligations in solidifying Anglo-Saxon kingship. A general discussion follows, during which the combined influences of production, trade, tribute, and feasting on Anglo-Saxon kingship are made manifest. Finally, an overview of this thesis' findings is presented, along with suggestions for further study.

Swedish hereditary kingship was not without its problems. In March 1792, Gustav III was assassinated leaving an immature heir to the throne. The direct succession of Gustav IV Adolf was impossible as he had not yet reached the age of majority. This example epitomises this study’s focal point –the hereditary kingship’s challenges. This is a study of the hereditary kingship’s formation and practices. It sheds light on how the hereditary kingship dealt with challenges through constitutional law and how the transfer of power was portrayed ceremonially. Closely connected with the transfer of power, are the underlying concepts of kingship. Normally the succession occurs through one king’s funeral and the following king’s coronation, however it could also take place through abdication or coup d’état. The study consists of two analytical parts. The first part aims to elucidate the formation and practices of the hereditary kingship with an exposé beginning in 1544: the establishment of the hereditary kingship. The second part focuses on the immaturity of Gustav IV Adolf up until he reached the age of majority in 1796. The findings show that the formation of the hereditary kingship and its practices display certain themes when power is transferred and when challenges are overcome. These includethe notion of unity, to be chosen, legality, to fulfil one’s role as ruler, and continuity. The results also show that hereditary kingship adapts to meet its challenges and that these themes are omnipresent and part of a constantly ongoing process when power is transferred. In Gustav IV Adolf’s case, the constitutional law dictated how the regiment was to be organised. In addition, his guardian Charles was granted Royal Authority and acted as Regent. The saying which composes the title of this study illustrates the natural transfer of power; albeit that this transpired gradually. The conclusion is a deepened understanding of the words: The king is dead, long live the king.

The present study is an interpretation of the two myths copied in the Old Babylonian period in which the Sumerian mother goddess is one of the main actors. The first myth is commonly called “Enki and Ninḫursaĝa”, and the second “Enki and Ninmaḫ”. The theoretical point of departure is that myths have society as their referents, i.e. they are “talking about” society, and that this is done in an ideological way. This study aims at investigating on the one hand which contexts in the Mesopotamian society each section of the myths refers to, and on the other hand which ideological aspects that the myths express in terms of power relations. The myths are contextualized in relation to their historical and social setting. If the myth for example deals with working men, male work in the area during the relevant period is discussed. The same method of contextualization is used regarding marriage, geographical points of reference and so on. Also constellations of mythical ideas are contextualized, through comparison with similar constellations in other Mesopotamian myths. Besides the method of contextualization, the power relations in the myths are investigated. According to this latter method, the categories at issue, their ranking, as well as their changed ranking, are noted. The topics of the myths are issues important for the kingship and the country, such as irrigation, trade, health and healing, birth, collective work, artisanry and rivalry. All these aspects are used in order to express what the power relations between the goddess Ninḫursaĝa/Ninmaḫ and the god Enki look like. The relations are negotiated and recalibrated, which leads to the goddess getting a lowered status. Part of the negotiations and recalibrations is gender behavior, which is related to historical developments in society. The present work points to the function of these myths as tools of recalibrating not only deities, but also men and women in society.

The aim of the present dissertation is to investigate and discuss the political debate on female monarchs during the early modern era (principally circa 1600 to 1720), while specifically pro- blematizing the relationship between rhetoric and practice. The study consists of three sections. The first comprises a study of regulations concerning female succession in the era, highlighting the relationship between the principles of gender and consanguinuity. The second section studies the debate both for and against female monarchs in general, analyzing the arguments presented by Swedish and English debatteurs and European legislators. The third section discusses the perception of female monarchs in practice. Here the focus is on Queens Christina (1632-54) and Ulrika Eleonora (1719-1720), who are both compa­red with each another and other reigning monarchs, primarily the English Queens Elizabeth I (1558-1603), Mary II (1689-94) and Anna Stuart (1702-14). This section is divided into four the­matic subsections: female monarchs in relation to ascension to the throne; education; war; and marriage. Furthermore, the opinions of Christina and Ulrika Eleonora themselves on female monarchs and female succession are discussed. This study has attempted to show that the question of the gender of the monarch has had significance for both the rhetoric and practice of female monarchy. It has been shown that the arguments used against female rulers have mainly concentrated on the principle of gender by labelling "female/feminine" as the negative polar opposite of "male/masculine". In contrast, the arguments used in favour of female monarchs have attempted to tone down the signficance of the fact that the monarch was a woman. Instead, the matter of the monarch's gender was discu­ssed in relation to other, more overriding principles for the monarchy as an institution, inclu­ding birth, dynastic continuity, royal distinctiveness, education, the preservation of order and legitimate succession to the throne. At the same time, this study has shown that traditionally female characteristics could also have a positive effect. One particular problem, both in rhetoric and practice, seems however to have been how and indeed if a female monarch could coordinate her role as sovreign with that of traditionally subordinate wife. / digitalisering@umu

The present study is an interpretation of the two myths copied in the Old Babylonian period in which the Sumerian mother goddess is one of the main actors. The first myth is commonly called “Enki and Ninḫursaĝa”, and the second “Enki and Ninmaḫ”. The theoretical point of departure is that myths have society as their referents, i.e. they are “talking about” society, and that this is done in an ideological way. This study aims at investigating on the one hand which contexts in the Mesopotamian society each section of the myths refers to, and on the other hand which ideological aspects that the myths express in terms of power relations. The myths are contextualized in relation to their historical and social setting. If the myth for example deals with working men, male work in the area during the relevant period is discussed. The same method of contextualization is used regarding marriage, geographical points of reference and so on. Also constellations of mythical ideas are contextualized, through comparison with similar constellations in other Mesopotamian myths. Besides the method of contextualization, the power relations in the myths are investigated. According to this latter method, the categories at issue, their ranking, as well as their changed ranking, are noted. The topics of the myths is issues important for the kingship and the country, such as irrigation, trade, health and healing, birth, collective work, artisanry and rivalry. All these aspects are used in order to express what the power relations between the goddess Ninḫursaĝa/Ninmaḫ and the god Enki look like. The relations are negotiated and recalibrated, which leads to the goddess getting a lowered status. Part of the negotiations and recalibrations is gender behavior, which is related to historical developments in society. The present work points to the function of these myths as tools of recalibrating not only deities, but also men and women in society.

This thesis proposes that integrated rituals of netherworld descent and heavenly ascent are represented in the Hebrew Bible as having been performed by Davidic royals – royal women, as well as male monarchs. In some instances (e.g. Psalms 2; 18; 24; 89:2-38; and 110) these rituals are represented idealistically, with Yahweh confirming the king’s ritual status and potency, through re-presented speech acts. In other instances, however, while an idealistic picture of monarchy continues to be upheld, it is subverted from within in varying ways (e.g. 2 Kgs 9:30-37; 11; Ps. 89:39-52; Isa. 14.4b-20; Jer. 13:18-20; Ezekiel 19). The differing portrayals of monarchy reflect the differing ways with which biblical texts are negotiating and interacting with ambiguous discourses embodying memories of monarchy. On the one hand, after the fall of monarchic Judah, ‘foreign’ monarchy (and especially trading monarchies, such as those of Phoenicia) were fetishised within biblical authors’ discourses of political and economic imperialism, and so Davidic monarchy became a signifier of an enchanting and mystifying ‘indigenous’ past. On the other hand, discourses concerning the past frequently referenced exile, and the collapse of monarchy. Some biblical representations of ritual netherworld descent and heavenly ascent acknowledge this latter, uncomfortable kind of remembering – even as they reify and reinforce these enchanting memories which they subvert. The remembered, cosmically liminal first temple and the remembered royal body become loci for these paradoxical, contradictory, and competing memories. This much is evident in mystifying royal cosmic liminality and heavenly ascent, access to divine knowledge, and mimesis of Yahweh; in cathartic myths of the subjugation of the forces of chaos and disorder, both cosmic and military; and in the subversion of the enchanting remembered Davidic cultic praxis of descent and ascent, through these motifs’ re-presentations in montages alongside rituals which connote displacement, destruction, profanation, desecration, subjugation and being forgotten. In these instances, the vulnerabilities inherent in cultural idealising of the Davidic monarchy’s potent cosmic liminality are brought into sharp relief.