Magister Artium - MA / This study investigates how the heritage of Busoga has been (re)presented in the local as well as in the national domain. Busoga is a territory and kingdom in east-central Uganda. It is one of the kingdoms that were found in Uganda at independence and entered a federal arrangement with the new nation-state presenting a series of challenges around the question of traditional power vis a vis political power; national versus local heritage; contemporary versus ‘traditional’ and heritage poised against the throes of social and economic change. The argument presented here is that the heritage of Busoga as presented has been invented and created during the colonial and post-colonial times. Over time Busoga as a community and with it, a form of heritage posed as tradition, took shape. After the restoration of the kingdoms in 1993, through a constitutional enactment that reversed the 1967 order that had abolished kingdoms and established a republican and unitary order, kingdoms re-appeared as having been rooted in a timeless tradition assuming ‘naturality’ which but was a re-representation of invented traditions. Spaces, sites and palaces and a narrative thread developed and the institution of Kyabazingaship(kingship) became the central point around which the kingdom revolved. I argue through this study that the post-colonial state, like its colonial counterpart has played a crucial role in the invention of this heritage.

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Notre étude vise à dégager deux phases successives dans la construction de la royauté normande de Sicile. La première est entamée par Roger II. Le pouvoir est personnel, non défini juridiquement ; il dépend essentiellement de la capacité du roi à l’imposer. Le roi muselle l’aristocratie féodale et préfère s’entourer de l’aristocratie orientale, plus habituée à un pouvoir fort, qu’il utilise dans son administration. La seconde advient durant le règne de Guillaume Ier. Autour de 1161, la pression seigneuriale rompt la dynamique antérieure. L’émir des émirs, symbole de la domination administrative orientale, est assassiné et remplacé par un conseil de familiares regis. Ces poussées aristocratiques contraignent le pouvoir royal à s’institutionnaliser. Les contours juridiques de la fonction royale se définissent et s’occidentalisent. / The object of our study is to distinguish two following stages in the building of the Norman Kingship of Sicily. The first is initiated by Roger II. Power is personal, juridically undefined and depends mostly on the king’s ability to enforce it. The king muzzles the feudal aristocracy and rather likes to engage with the eastern aristocracy, more used to a strong power, in the administration of his affairs. The second arrives during the reign of William I. Around 1161, pressure from the lords breaks the previous dynamic. Amiratus amiratorem, emblem of the domination of the east on the administration, is killed and replaced by a council of famiiares regis.The rise of the aristocracy compels to the institutionalisation of the royal power. The royal function becomes juridically limited and is no longer influenced by an eastern approach.

This thesis finds that Geoffrey of Monmouth¡¦s Historia regum Britanniae includes political arguments that support kingship government and primogeniture. Through analysis of existing academic literature, and through the perspective of cultural change theory, this thesis argues that Geoffrey employs three elements¡Xthe Norman writer Dudo of Saint-Quentin¡¦s work De moribus et actis primorum Normannorum ducum, the historical progress of the Normans after their conquest of Britain, and the Geoffrey¡¦s own support for kingship and primogeniture¡Xto compose diverse information into a political argument. This thesis also discovers that Geoffrey¡¦s political argument for kingship government and primogeniture is discussed by the Anonymous author of The Oldest Anglo-Norman Prose Brut Chronicle. The Anonymous author proposes the idea of contract as solvency for the civil wars which the combination of kingship and primogeniture alone cannot resolve.

This dissertation examines two major kingship rituals-- the coronation and the autumnal navaratri--as discussed in Hindu religious literature and ritual texts, and as practised in Nepal. These rituals are based on sacred myths and primarily oriented to the production of religious and socio-political dimensions of sovereign power. The Vedic, tantric, and other devotional acts as found in these rituals empower the king and construct his personal and corporate identity. The rituals are consequently strongly political, as various divine, human and other agencies invest the king with multiple powers and authorize him to rule; these agencies also negotiate their own relations, domains of influence, and hierarchies. These rituals produce a sacred and divine king and kingship, as well as sacred space, by establishing the king's connection (bandhu) and identification with many sources of power. As myth and ritual are used in the service of power and authority, they jointly promote each other to create, perpetuate, and strengthen these attributes. Since the uses of myth and ritual are strategic and ideological, they can be used to legitimize the status of the king and enforce the use of power on others. As illustrated in the recent history of Nepal, the myth and ritual can also be sites for dialogue, negotiation, resistance, subversion, and replacement of the same power. Religion and politics are deeply intertwined in these ritual activities; in fact, only in the deeply religious and devotional settings can the rituals exert maximum socio-political powers.

A more descriptive title for the dissertation might be "Early historiography in Purang-Guge and its relationship between orality, kingship, and Tibetan identity: a close study of a recently uncovered 12th century historical manuscript from Tholing monastery in West Tibet." The present study is therefore a close textual analysis of all the outer and inner features of the Tholing Manuscript. When reading the text, there is the gradual realization that the archaic peculiarities in script, binding, spelling, vocabulary, prose, and narrative twists, all highlight the work as a wholly rare and different version from those early histories typically found in Central Tibet. The key difference lies primarily in the focal point of the narrative. Whereas most similar narratives from the time of the phyi dar (11th-13th centuries) onwards place at the core of their structure the history of Buddhism in Tibet, the Tholing text puts as its central focus kingship and the history of kings in Tibet. For this reason, while Buddhism plays an essential and integral part of the story as a whole, the text can be viewed as a more secular work then any comparable monastic history of the period. The narrative structure of the manuscript, with its heavy use of rhythmical prose, similes, archaic topoi and motifs, is hauntingly familiar to those parallel passages found among Old Tibetan Documents and is emblematic of the liminal period in which the text was written. At this time, histories were transitioning from disperse and possibly oral transmissions to predominantly formal organized written traditions. The poetic nature of the text, together with its unusual physical features, raises questions relating to its purpose and function, with the possibility of its use as a ritual manuscript for royal legitimization. Through a close study of the text, I offer some insights on the formative nature of early Tibetan historiography in establishing the sacred and political power of the kings of West Tibet.

M.A. / This research was conducted to establish greater clarity regarding God's sovereignty and His predetermined will. Many different views are held on this subject. Views on predestination have been much debated over the centuries with many believers being undecided or unsure on this subject. What adds to the confusion is that man cannot comprehend life outside of time and therefore finds it difficult to grasp the concept of God having knowledge of all things occurring within time. In order to gain a greater perspective and insight on the subject it was decided to trace the development of the concept of God's establishing His predetermined will through the Scriptures. Approaches to this subject in the past were clouded by the fact that many Christian groups held to the view that the Scriptures are the infallible Word of God. Many scholars in recent years have come to the realisation that the Bible, though containing the Word of God, displays the fallibility of man. This is the approach taken in interpreting Scripture for this thesis. The view was also taken that the revelation of Christ is seen as the key to interpreting Scripture (Heb. 1:1-3). The various factors influencing the writers of Scripture were also taken into account.

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Submitted by Maria Dulce (mdulce@ndc.uff.br) on 2014-02-25T16:57:09Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Birro, Renan-Dissert-2013.pdf: 3670709 bytes, checksum: 4d591521c20672aebc47b8cbf08a3702 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2014-02-25T16:57:09Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Birro, Renan-Dissert-2013.pdf: 3670709 bytes, checksum: 4d591521c20672aebc47b8cbf08a3702 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013 / A pesquisa de mestrado intitulada Rex perpetuus norvegiæ: a sacralidade dos reis noruegueses e a santificação de Óláfr Haraldsson (c. 995-1030) à luz da literatura nórdica latina e vernacular (sécs. XI-XII) é um inquérito sobre as diferentes tradições de sacralidade régia na Noruega durante a Era Viking e a Escandinávia Medieval, sobre a santificação do viking, rei, mártir e santo norueguês Óláfr Haraldsson, além da utilização de sua imagem como padroeiro do reino para consolidar a monarquia, a Igreja da Noruega e a recepção da biografia sagrada do santo norueguês por parte dos fieis. Óláfr Haraldsson (c.995-1030) viveu como viking durante alguns anos. Em 1015 ele retornou à Noruega para reclamar o trono após ser batizado em Rouen. A grande tarefa deste rei foi consolidar a conversão de seu povo ao cristianismo, tarefa que cumpriu à maneira de Carlos Magno: conversões forçadas e destruição de objetos e espaços de veneração pagãos. Ele foi banido do reino após a derrota na Batalha de Helgeå (1026). Após como proscrito, ele retornou em 1030, mas foi morto na Batalha de Stiklestaðir (1030). O rei morto transformou-se num objeto de veneração pouco após a sua morte, e um ano após a derradeira batalha, seu corpo foi transladado das cercanias de Nidaróss para o seio dessa cidade, que ficava na região onde este rei encontrava o maior número de seus detratores. Há indícios de peregrinações em massa para o seu santuário, e os inimigos do controle dinamarquês sobre a Noruega viram em Óláfr a possibilidade de se fortalecer, assim como a Igreja local, que tentava se unir a monarquia para ganhar forças e sobreviver num território recém-convertido à fé cristã. Seus sucessores empenharam- se em utilizar o rei-mártir para fortalecer seu poder político no reino. Entrementes, elementos da antiga sacralidade régia pagã foram reaproveitados, como o hamingja (“sorte”), além da incorporação da sacralidade régia cristã e do monarca defunto como padroeiro do reino e rei perpétuo da Noruega. O modelo inicial da biografia sagrada do santo seguia o padrão anglo-saxão de reis mártires, embora tenha sofrido influências da cultura local e respondido aos anseios da comunidade. / The master’s research entitled Rex perpetuus Norvegiae: the sacred kingship in the Norwegian monarchy and the sanctification of Óláfr Haraldsson (c. 995 – 1030) in the light of latin and vernacular literature (11th and 12th centuries) is an inquiry on the different traditions of sacred kingship in Norway during Viking Age and Medieval Scandinavia, on the sanctification of the Viking, king, martyr and Norwegian saint Óláfr Haraldsson, and the use of his image as patron saint of the kingdom to consolidate the monarchy, the Norwegian church and the reception of the sacred biography by the faithful. Óláfr Haraldsson (c. 995-1030) lived as a Viking during some years. At 1015 he come back to Norway to claim the throne after his baptism in Rouen. The main task of this king was the conversion of his people to the christianism. He did it with forced conversions and destruction of temples and sacred pagan objects. He was banned of the kingdom after his defeat at the Battle of Helgeã (1026). The dead king became quickly in an object of veneration after their death, and one year late, his body was translated from the vicinity of Nidaróss for this town, place where his main opponents lived. There are indications of massive pilgrimage to his shrine, and some powerful Norwegian nobles utilized Óláfr as a tool to improve the Norwegian opposition and the local church. The church, by turn, united with the monarchy, wanted to strengthen the Christianism at the kingdom. The rulers after Óláfr utilized him to improve their political power in the kingdom. The rulers after Óláfr utilized him to improve their political power in the kingdom. Meanwhile, elements of the pagan sacred kingship were reused, as the hamingja (“luck”). At the same time, the Christian sacred kingship and the dead king were utilized in the same purposes, and the last became the patron saint and the everlasting king of Norway. The initial model of sacred biography of Óláfr followed the anglo-saxon pattern of martyr kings, but he suffered influences from local culture and from the needs of faithful community.

This thesis studies interactions between Egypt and the Aegean during the Middle to Late Bronze Ages, focusing on reciprocal influences in the spheres of healing, warfare, and legitimation of power. Chapter 1 provides an introduction, starting with an overview of previous research. The next two sections discuss a couple of issues of general significance, namely chronology and the Egyptian terminology for Aegean peoples and locations. The last two sections deal with issues of methodology and explain the aims of this work. Chapter 2 is devoted to healing practices. Like the two chapters that follow, it begins with a cross-cultural comparison between the Egyptian and Aegean milieus. The basis for the discussion is provided by references to Crete in a couple of Egyptian medical texts. Other potential indications of an exchange of medical lore include containers that might have been used for medical preparations, amulets with healing properties, and possible similarities in practices and medical terminology. Chapter 3 treats warfare, considering it in its broadest sense as a cultural phenomenon, besides looking for evidence suggesting military interaction or cooperation between Egypt and the Aegean. The material under scrutiny ranges from the decoration of weapons to the exchange of raw materials destined for the production of military equipment. Ideology and iconography also contribute to the discussion. Chapter 4 explores the possibility of Egyptian influence in the development of the Aegean ideologies of power and the exploitation of foreign contacts as a source of legitimation. The main body of the chapter deals with the role of exotica in the pursuit of prestige. Some potential examples of the adoption of foreign customs and ideas are also discussed. Chapter 5 summarises the conclusions of the previous chapters concisely and discusses how they may fit within the broader context of the study of Egyptian–Aegean relations. Finally, some possible lines of research for the future are suggested.