Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-03T12:21:09Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Celio Silva.pdf: 530257 bytes, checksum: d379f5fc1367ca2398602615e702de2d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2006-05-05 / In this study, which is based on Gênesis 14,18-20, we discuss about Melchizedek, king of Salem and his god el elyon, whose priest he is (v.18). The text is post-exilic, being an insertion to the chapter 14, and reflects the history of Judah in the period of its restauration (6th to 4th centuries b.C.) at a time when the priesthood at Jerusalem gradually assumed a power which they had never had before in their history, because the high-priest became a civil authority. Then Melchizedek, who receives the tithe from Abram, is an image that evokes the power of Jerusalem cult in the Judahite society and their allegeable right to tithe and gifts from the people. But Melchizedek, used by a later text, belongs to traditions that were earlier than the exile of Judah; traditions according to them the king also used to play a priestly role as religious chief and Iahweh s manager (Psalm 110). Of course this twofold function was a kind of legitimation of estructures of power characterized by a social, politic and economic organization, which, in general aspects, fits to the concept of tributary mode of production. Thus all a discourse built upon the king and upon other ideological aspects like the Zion theology, was used to support the status quo. And the use of the symbolic universe of religion took part. In this reseach we sustain the hypothesis that el elyon is a compounded name which bears el, that corresponds to the supreme god of Canaanite pantheon (ugaritic ilu), who has as one of his attribute the fact that he begot heaven and earth (what fits his tradition in arcaic cosmogonic conceptions from the Near East); and elyon, who seems to hide some characteristics of other god, Ba al (Psalm 18,7-17). Thus we notice that Melchizedek s god s name is the syncretic combination of some characteristics of two great deities of Canaanite pantheon / Neste estudo, que tem por base Gênesis 14,18-20, se discute a respeito de Melquisedec, o rei de Salém e seu deus el elyon , de quem é sacerdote (v.18). O texto é pós-exílico, sendo uma inserção ao capítulo 14, e reflete a história de Judá no período de sua restauração (séculos 6º a 4º a.C.), numa época em que o sacerdócio de Jerusalém assumiu gradativamente um poder sem precedentes em sua história, de maneira que o sumo-sacerdote acabou por se tornar uma autoridade civil. Melquisedec, que recebe o dízimo de Abrão, é uma imagem que evoca o poder do culto hierosolimitano na sociedade judaíta e seu alegado direito aos dízimos e ofertas oriundos do povo. Mas Melquisedec, usado num texto tardio, pertence a tradições anteriores ao exílio de Judá, segundo as quais o rei também desempenhava papel sacerdotal, como chefe religioso e intendente de Iahweh (Salmo 110). Essa dupla função foi um meio de legitimar as estruturas de poder caracterizadas por uma organização sóciopolítico- econômica que, em aspectos gerais, se ajusta ao conceito de modo de produção tributário. Assim, todo um discurso construído sobre a pessoa do rei e sobre outros aspectos ideológicos, tais quais a teologia de Sião (Salém), serviam de suporte para a manutenção do status quo. E em tal discurso coube o uso do universo simbólico da religião. Neste estudo, aventa-se a hipótese de que el elyon seja um nome composto, no qual subjazem el, que corresponde ao deus supremo do panteão cananeu (o ugarítico ilu), que tem como um de seus atributos o fato de haver gerado céus e terra (o que situa a tradição em concepções cosmogônicas médio-orientais arcaicas); e elyon, o qual parece esconder as características de outro deus, Ba al (Salmo 18, 7-17). Nota-se dessa maneira que o nome do deus de Melquisedec é a combinação sincrética de características de duas grandes divindades do panteão cananeu

This dissertation is a comparative study of children who succeeded as kings of England, Scotland, France, and Germany as boys under the age of fifteen in the central Middle Ages. Children are often disregarded in the historical record, even those divinely-ordained as king. The research undertaken in this thesis aims to uncover a more human aspect to medieval kingship by combining social aspects of childhood and gender studies with a political and legal approach to the study of the nature of rulership and royal administrative practices. Part I provides vital context of how royal fathers prepared their underage sons for kingship. I argue for the importance of maternal involvement in association, demonstrate the significant benefits a comparative approach brings to our understanding of anticipatory actions, and reveal the impact which changes in the circumstances and documentation of royal death had on preparations for child kingship. In Part II, I focus on vice-regal guardianship to expose how structural legal, social, political, and cultural changes affected the provisions for a child king. The symbolic meaning of knighthood, which had been a clear rite of passage to adulthood in the eleventh century, later became a precursor to kingship. The child’s progression to maturity was increasingly directed by legalistic ideas. These developments meant that, by the first half of the thirteenth century, queen mothers faced greater challenges to their involvement in royal governance alongside their sons. Part III presents a challenge to the idea that periods of child kingship were necessarily more violent than when an adult came to the throne through an analysis of instances of child kidnap, maternal exclusion from guardianship and departure from the kingdom, dynastic challenge, and opportunistic violence. Children often appear as passive actors controlled by the adults around them but accepting this unquestioningly is too simplistic. Child kings could make an impact on the political landscape even if they could not do so alone. Through an innovative comparative analysis of a child’s preparation for rulership, the care of king and kingdom, and the vulnerabilities and challenges of child kingship, I demonstrate far greater political continuity across medieval monarchies than is usually appreciated. This constitutes a fresh and original contribution towards the study of medieval rulership in northwestern Europe.

Cette thèse porte sur l'étude approfondie des représentations de l’un des plus grands rois de l’Ancien Testament : le Roi David. Ce travail doctoral s’efforcera d’étudier cette figure biblique dans les arts de la fin du Moyen Age et de la Renaissance en Europe. Les Saintes Écritures relatent la vie mouvementée de cet illustre homme et roi qui devint, au fil des siècles, un modèle de référence pour les souverains chrétiens. En effet, celui-ci correspondait parfaitement aux aspirations des princes qui souhaitaient prendre exemple sur ce royal personnage et s’approprier son prestige. Dans cette problématique, la figure de David s’est révélée être d’une incroyable richesse : successivement petit pâtre, oint du Seigneur, valeureux guerrier, musicien d’excellence et psalmiste, souverain d’Israël, amoureux transi, pécheur puis pénitent. Toutes les facettes de ce personnage si complexe ont inspiré, chacune à leur manière, la pensée spirituelle, politique et artistique. / This thesis focuses on the in-depth study of representations of one of the greatest kings of the Old Testament: the King David. This doctoral work will try to explore the biblical figure in the arts of the late Middle Ages and the Renaissance in Europe.The Holy Bible recounts the eventful life of this famous king who became, through centuries, a model for the christian princes. In fact, it fit perfectly with the aspirations of the princes who wanted to follow the example of this royal personage and appropriate his prestige. In this issue, the figure of David appears to be incredibly wide, successively little shepherd, anointed, brave warrior, musician and psalmist, king of Israel, women lover, sinner and penitent. Every facets of this complex character inspired, each in its own way, spiritual, political and artistic thought.

The origins of kingship have typically been accepted as a natural or inevitable development by scholars. The purpose of this thesis is to question that assumption. This work will re-examine the origins of early Anglo-Saxon kingship through a coherent and systematic survey of the available and pertinent archaeological and historical sources, addressing them by type, by period and as their varying natures require. The thesis begins with the archaeological evidence. ‘Elite’ burials, such as Mound One, Sutton Hoo, will be ranked according to their probability of kingliness. This process will point to elite burial as being a regionally-specific, predominately-seventh-century, phenomenon of an ideologically-aware, sophisticated and established political institution. Consequently, elite burial cannot be seen as an indication of the origins of kingship, but can instead be interpreted as a development or experiment within kingship. Analysis of ‘elite’ settlements, such as Yeavering, and numismatic evidence, will lead to similar conclusions. Further, consideration of various other settlement types – former Roman military sites in Northern Britain, former Roman Towns, and enclosed settlements – will point to various potential origins of Anglo-Saxon kingship in the form of continuities with previous Roman, Romano-British or British power structures. The thesis will go on to consider the historical sources. Those of the fifth and sixth centuries, primarily Gildas’s De excidio et conquestu Britanniae, point to several factors of note. The cessation of formal imperial rule over Britain following c.410 effectively created a power vacuum. Various new sources of political power are observable attempting to fill this vacuum, one of which, ultimately, was kingship. Through analogy with contemporary British kingdoms, it is possible to suggest that this development of kingship in England may be placed in the early sixth, if not the fifth, centuries. This would make the origins of Anglo-Saxon kingship significantly earlier than typically thought. This kingship was characterised by the conduct of warfare, its dependence on personal relationships, and particularly by its varying degrees of status and differing manifestations of power covered by the term king. Further details will be added to this image through the narrative and documentary sources of the seventh and early eighth centuries. These predominately shed light on the subsequent development of kingship, particularly its growing association with Christianity. Indeed, the period around c.600 can be highlighted as one of notable change within Anglo-Saxon kingship. However, it is possible to point to the practice of food rents, tolls and the control of resources serving as an economic foundation for kingship, while legal intervention and claimed descent from gods also provide a potential basis of power. Several characteristics of seventh- and early-eighth-century kingship will also be highlighted as being relevant to its origins – the conduct of warfare and the exercise of over-kingship – relating to the general propensity for amalgamation through conquest. Other trajectories are also highlighted, specifically continuity from previous Roman and British entities and the development of ‘pop-up’ kingdoms. The overall result is one in which long-term amalgamation and short-term disintegration and re-constitution were equally in evidence, set against the wider context of broad regional continuities. Overall, therefore, the thesis will not fully resolve the issue of the origins of Anglo-Saxon kingship, but it does offer a means to re-frame discussion, explore the social and economic underpinnings of kingship and assess its primacy as an institution within early Anglo-Saxon England.

1 Samuel 11:1-11 is royal ideology for the kingship of Saul. The biblical text informs that Saul was divinely sanctioned as leader of Israel. The heroic leadership of Saul was prominent to rescue his people from the imposed national shame by Nahash the Ammonite. The leadership of Saul was endorsed by the spirit of Yahweh. The spirit of Yahweh pinpoints the prophetic connection of Saul with a group of ecstatic prophets from the high place (1 Sm 9). An original textual context for the royal ideology is referred to 1 Samuel 9:1-10:16 that provided a prophetic connection with the royal ideology. 1 Samuel 11:1-11 was involved in various textual and historical processes to form the present text and context. Through delicate redactional intentions the biblical text was incorporated in the macro-context of the royal ideology of David. In 1 Samuel 9:1-10:16 Saul was anointed as nagid by Samuel as the answer for the crying of the people (1 Sm 9:16). The anointing guaranteed a divine sanction for the leadership of Saul (1 Sm 11:1-11). The tradition of Saul (1 Sm 9:1-10:16; 11:1-11) idealized the leadership of Saul as a divinely sanctioned kingship after the defeat of the Ammonites (cf 1 Sm 11:15). However, Saul was judged as the rejected and unfaithful king of Israel throughout the Deuteronomistic History (DH). Strikingly, Saul was connected with the evil origin of the kingship in Israel. The kingship of Saul can be perceived in the background of the ancient Near East (ANE) in terms of royal ideology. A prominent characteristic of the royal ideology in the ANE is to emphasize a divine sanction of the kingship in the ANE. In the ANE the king had to prove his divine sanction for the kingship. The tradition of Saul tells how the kingship of Saul was divinely sanctioned in the perspective of the ANE. On the other hand, the Deuteronomist emphasized the divine sanction of Saul was illegitimate in connection with his prophetic connection with a group of ecstatic prophets from the high place. Further Saul was characterized as lacking of divine knowledge in the DH. The research shows that 1 Samuel 11:1-11 is the royal ideology for Saul. The appearance of the kingship of Saul was inevitable in the critical period of the Israelite history. The leadership of Saul was divinely sanctioned in the prophetic manner. Such a prophetic characteristic of Saul was highly welcomed by the people. It is a comprehensive approach resulting from synthesizing various approaches such as historical critical approaches, new literary approaches, and social scientific approaches. The methodology distinguished embedded historical information in the text from a final redactional intention, that is, theological purpose of the redactor. / Thesis (PhD)--University of Pretoria, 2008. / Old Testament Studies / unrestricted

Apparu entre le IIIe et le début du Ier siècle avant notre ère, un pouvoir royal établi à Armazi-Mc’xet’a exerça jusqu’au VIe siècle de notre ère un rôle pivot dans l’histoire de l’ancienne Caucasie, à la charnière de l’Empire romain, de l’Iran et des terres sarmates. Le pays où s’exerçait leur pouvoir, l’Ibérie, amalgamait divers peuples et communautés autour du cours moyen du fleuve Koura, au débouché de la passe du Darial. Composant avec les rivalités dynastiques, le morcellement ethnique, la pluralité des langues et la diversité des cultures, les rois d’Ibérie firent preuve d’une remarquable capacité d’adaptation pour assurer leur emprise territoriale, affirmer leur légitimité et trouver une place de choix dans les réseaux d’alliances transnationaux. Le système politique ibère établit une relation d’équilibre entre l’aristocratie et la cour à travers une diarchie associant le roi et son pitiaxe. Entrée dans l’orbite de Rome après l’invasion de Pompée en 65 avant notre ère, la royauté ibère construisit durant trois siècles un partenariat avec les dirigeants romains qui n’était cependant pas exempt d’ambivalence. Les années 260 de notre ère marquèrent un tournant capital dans l’évolution du pouvoir royal ibère, lorsque l’emprise grandissante des Sassanides instigua un changement dynastique au profit des Mihranides. Dans un contexte d’effervescence spirituelle mettant en concurrence divers courants religieux, les rois ibères décidèrent progressivement de confessionnaliser leur pouvoir. Au début du Ve siècle, l’invention d’une première forme officielle d’écriture géorgienne illustra ce nouveau consensus politique et religieux voulu par une royauté devenue chrétienne. / Since its appearance between the third and the beginning of the first century BCE, a royal power established in Armazi-Mc‘xet‘a exercised until the sixth century CE a pivotal role in the history of Ancient Caucasia, at the hinge of Roman Empire, Iran and Sarmatian lands. The country where their rule was exercised, Iberia, amalgamated various peoples and communities around the middle course of Kura River, near the Darial pass. Composing with ethnic division, linguistic plurality and cultural diversity, the kings of Iberia developed a remarkable capacity of adaptation to ensure their domination, assert their legitimacy and find their place in the transnational networks of alliances. The Iberian political system established a balanced relationship between aristocracy and the royal court through a diarchy associating the king and his pitiaxēs. Entering the orbit of Rome after the invasion of Pompey in 65 BC, Iberian kings shaped during three centuries a partnership with Roman leaders, however not without ambivalence. The decade 260s CE constituted a major turning point in the evolution of royal power in Caucasian Iberia, insofar as the growing grip of Sasanians instigated a dynastic change in favour of the House of Mihranids. In a context of spiritual effervescence putting in competition several religious currents, the Iberian kings gradually opted for a confessionalization of their rule. At the beginning of the fifth century, the invention of a first official form of Georgian writing illustrated this new political and religious consensus established by a kingship converted to Christianism.

<p>The aim of this thesis has been to consider how Philip II of Macedonia presented himself to the Greek peoples after the Battle of Chaeronea in 336 BC. It examines the context and program of the Philippeion at Olympia in order to determine how Philip II negotiated his royal status in response to Greek opinion. This study takes into account the traditional role of the Macedonian kings, how they typically portrayed themselves, and to what purpose. It also explores Philip's propaganda specifically and the differing responses of various Greek peoples. <p lang="en-CA">Although Philip's role as Hegemon of the League of Corinth seems to be at odds with the Philippeion's classification as a victory monument and a display of the king's authority, further examination reveals that the Philippeion conforms with Philip's program of propaganda. It's message is also adaptable to the various perceptions of the Greek peoples as well as any Macedonian viewers. <p lang="en-CA"></p> / Master of Arts (MA)

In an interview with Hy Bender, Neil Gaiman states, "We have the right, and the obligation, to tell old stories in our own ways, because they are our stories." While fantasy stands apart from other types of fiction, it still provides a particular kind of commentary on the culture/time it is being created in, often by toying with older themes and conventions. Stories of the quest for kingship tend to fall by the wayside in favor of the "unlikely hero" tale. While the king's story is not always vastly different from that of the hero, there are some key points that need to be taken into consideration. Unlike many heroes, especially in the modern sense, kings (whether recognized at first or not) are born for the duty they must eventually fulfill. A hero may be unaware of the problem at first or later reluctant to engage it; more often than not in tales of kingship there is a deep awareness of the problem and the knowledge of their potential in solving it. There is always a sense of inherent purpose and destiny: they must undertake quests in order to legitimize themselves and their power — their right to rule. These stories bear a similar structure and shared themes that can be found in medieval sources as well as earlier myths. Tales of kingship in modern fiction, specifically in the work of Neil Gaiman (The Sandman) and George R. R. Martin (A Game of Thrones), are similar to the medieval models, as kingship and the requirements of kingship were popular themes in medieval texts, including Beowulf and King Horn. The role of the king in epic tales varies from hero to villain, at times even occupying both roles depending on the story. In the tales explored herein and in much of the medieval source material that inspired the fantasy tradition, the king also takes on the role of healer. The interwoven plots of George R. R. Martin's A Song of Fire and Ice series revolve around the struggle for the rightful rule over seven kingdoms, and while the protagonist in The Sandman is in many ways vastly different from Tolkien's Aragorn, the character still exists with a sense of purpose, responsibility, and duty; a regal bearing that does not necessarily occur in the majority of typical heroes. The influence of Tolkien's work both as a scholar and an author is apparent in Gaiman's use of mythology and Martin's style of world creation; both authors have admitted their creative debt to and continuing admiration of Tolkien's style of fantasy. It is impossible to discuss modern fantasy without acknowledging Tolkien as an influence to these two more recent authors. This paper will discuss The Lord of the Rings as a bridge between modern fantasy and medieval/mythological sources. In each of these modern fantasy tales of kingship, healing and reunion become major themes, tied into the right/duty of a ruler. The patterns established by medieval tales are used by modern authors to create fantasy kings, giving their narratives legitimacy that may have been difficult to establish without these patterns and links back to the medieval tradition. / Master of Arts

Thesis (MTh)--Stellenbosch University, 2011. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The purpose of this study is to explore "who is saying what to whom for what purpose" in the text of 1 Samuel 8-12 through an analysis of the manifestations of ideology in this text. The emphasis of this thesis lies in the application of multiple methodologies in biblical interpretation with a view to (a) reconstructing the material and ideological conditions under which the biblical text was produced in order to determine which group produced the text and whose socioeconomic interests it served; and (b) investigating how these conditions are encoded in reproducing a particular ideology in order to determine how the texts incorporated the particular ideologies or interests of the time. The present research, for this reason, combines an extrinsic and an intrinsic analysis to read the world of 1 Samuel. The extrinsic analysis makes use of a social-historical and a social scientific approach to explore the particular circumstances. It indicates that the biblical writing should be regarded as conscious writing which aims to interpret historical incidents and construct specific ideologies. 1 Samuel 8-12 might therefore have been constructed by exilic groups to provide reasons for their difficult past. The intrinsic analysis makes use of narrative criticism, especially the theory of conflict plot, to do an in-depth investigation of the rhetoric of 1 Samuel 8-12. This analysis indicates that these chapters highlight the ambivalence of the monarchy, although the surface structure might tell a different story. The findings of the research have led to the conclusion that 1 Samuel 8-12 appears to present no clear position with regard to the future of the monarchy. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die doel van hierdie studie is om vas te stel "wie sê wat vir wie, en met watter doel" in die teks van 1 Samuel 8-12. Dit word gedoen deur 'n analise te maak van hoe ideologie in hierdie teks manifesteer. Die klem van hierdie studie lê in die toepassing van verskillende metodologieë van bybelinterpretasie ten einde (a) die materiaal en ideologiese omstandighede waarin die bybelteks geproduseer is, te rekonstrueer, met die oog daarop om vas te stel wie die teks geproduseer het, en wie se belange daardeur gedien word; en (b) te ondersoek hoe hierdie omstandighede enkodeer is in die formulering van a spesifieke ideologie, ten einde te bepaal hoe die teks die betrokke ideologieë of belange van die tyd geïnkorporeer het. Om hierdie rede kombineer die studie 'n ekstrensieke en 'n intrensieke analise om die wêreld van 1 Samuel te lees. Die ekstrensieke analise gebruik 'n sosio-historiese en sosiaal-wetenskaplike benadering om die betrokke omstandighede na te vors. Hierdie benadering dui aan dat die bybelteks beskou kan word as 'n bewuste geskrif wat ten doel het om sekere historiese gebeure te interpreteer en om spesifieke ideologieë te konstrueer. 1 Samuel 8-12 is daarom moontlik gekonstrueer deur eksiliese groepe om verklarings vir hul moeilike verlede te gee. Die intrinsieke analise maak gebruik van narratiewe kritiek, veral die teorie van konflikplot, om 'n in-diepte studie te maak van die retoriek van 1 Samuel 8-12. Hierdie analise toon dat die betrokke hoofstukke die ambivalensie van die koningskap beklemtoon, hoewel die oppervlaktestruktuur moontlik 'n ander verhaal vertel. Die bevindings van hierdie navorsing lei dan tot die konklusie dat 1 Samuel 8-12 skynbaar geen duidelike posisie met betrekking tot die toekoms van die koningskap aanbied nie.

This thesis investigates the morphology and the purpose of palaces in major and minor kingdoms of the Hellenistic World. Elements of architecture, spatial organisation and decoration are analysed in the attempt to clarify issues of chronology and in order to identify function. The analysis places the material into its social and ideological context by taking into consideration the role of kingship ideologies in the formation of space used by royal courts. Comparison with residences of the elite demonstrates the reception of palaces not only as architectural models, but also as mechanisms of power manifestation. Macedonia is the starting point of the discussion as the homeland of the first Hellenistic kings. In the light of evidence recovered in the last twenty years and not comparatively studied before, the chapter brings together various chronological phases of the buildings. Questions of definition and on sources of inspiration are clarified further in the following chapters. The third chapter uses textual evidence and finds from the royal district of Alexandria to understand the meaning of palace architecture for the Ptolemies, while the seat of a local official in Transjordania reveals mechanisms of emulation. In chapter four the case of Pergamene palaces and their relationship with residences in the city demonstrates that formation of these royal seats corresponded to ideals of Attalid kingship. Seats of officials in the Seleukid Empire and palaces in Bactria and Kommagene, the subject of the fifth chapter, provide an insight into the position of palace architecture in processes of hybridisation in material culture. The last chapter is a synthesis of patterns of form and function and unifies the conclusions for each separate region. It emerges that shifts in power relations and the structure of the royal court, especially towards the end of the third century BC, were a crucial factor in shaping palace forms. The concluding chapter also provides a view from the West: examples from the late Roman Republic indicate that the role of Hellenistic palaces as models for power display went beyond the limits of royal courts.