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  • About
  • The Global ETD Search service is a free service for researchers to find electronic theses and dissertations. This service is provided by the Networked Digital Library of Theses and Dissertations.
    Our metadata is collected from universities around the world. If you manage a university/consortium/country archive and want to be added, details can be found on the NDLTD website.
31

Exit and voice dynamics : an empirical study of the Soviet labour market, 1940-1960s

Kragh, Martin January 2009 (has links)
No description available.
32

Unionization of agricultural workers in British Columbia

Jensen, Heather 25 January 2013 (has links)
This thesis provides a multi-method – historical, quantitative, qualitative, and jurisprudential – socio-legal case study of the unionization of agricultural workers in British Columbia. Agricultural employees have access to the Labour Relations Code of British Columbia. A historical examination of exclusion of agricultural workers from labour relations legislation from 1937 to 1975 explores the rationale behind labour relations laws and the political context of the legislative exclusion. Next, economic aspects of BC’s agricultural sector are described, with a focus on employment characteristics and the regionalised nature of agricultural production. Finally, this thesis explains the legal aspects of an ongoing campaign by the United Food and Commercial Workers (UFCW) to unionize migrant and resident agricultural workers. The union organizing campaign shows how legal labour relations processes operate in relation to migrant workers in a sector with low rates of unionization and high rates of precarious and low-paid, dangerous work. / Graduate
33

Work, identity and letterpress printers in Britain, 1750-1850

Greenwood, Emma Louise January 2015 (has links)
This thesis examines the relationship between work and identity amongst letterpress printers in late eighteenth- and early nineteenth-century Britain. It probes the sources of work-based identity and considers efforts to maintain, and even manipulate, a distinctive sense of trade belonging. The effect of work on other interrelated personal and social identities is also examined. In contrast to other histories of work, particularly class-based studies, all levels of the trade are scrutinized, from apprentices through journeymen to masters and proprietors. Differences in the experience of work between these varying members of the trade are analysed, together with their effect on working relationships. The first part of this thesis follows the hierarchy of the trade with chapters on apprentices, journeymen and masters. Apprentice printers endured increasingly exploitative conditions and came from more diverse social backgrounds than was commonly assumed. Journeymen took pride in the history of their trade, and had a strong tradition of fraternity, but their sense of identity was increasingly threatened by rising unemployment levels. Meanwhile, masters were less likely to have been brought up to the trade, and had few formal or informal trade associations. The second part of the thesis looks at how work-based identities intersected with familial, political, and socio-economic identities. Family relationships were crucial to the success of many printing businesses with intergenerational transfer being unusually prevalent compared with other trades. Political discussion played an important role in the formation of printers’ collective identity, particularly where campaigns for freedom of the press were concerned. Finally, social mobility became increasingly divergent among printers in the early industrial period. The changes highlighted in this thesis had a profound effect on working relationships. A new generation of master printers was distant from the physical process of work and at times dismissive of the culture and customs of the workplace. This led to tension and conflict with journeymen over issues such as apprentice numbers. But there were also many stabilizing influences, such as the strength of journeymen’s fraternity, or a shared belief in the history and social significance of the press. By uncovering these complexities, even within a single trade, this thesis argues that occupation is a poor basis on which to base socio-economic classifications. Furthermore, the specific characteristics of occupational communities were in themselves strong contributors to personal and social identity, influencing working relationships, as well as the way in which people interacted with wider society.
34

Insubordination ouvrière en Argentine (1973-1976) : contribution à l’élaboration d’un « cinquième récit » des années 1970 / Worker insubordination in Argentina (1973–1976) : contributing to a “fifth reading” of the 1970s

Thomas, Jean-Baptiste 03 December 2014 (has links)
Les années 1970, en Argentine, sont marquées, jusqu’au coup d’Etat de mars 1976, par une intense montée de la conflictualité sociale en général et de la conflictualité ouvrière en particulier. Cette situation, ouverte par le Cordobazo de mai 1969, taraude les bases du régime militaire de la Révolution argentine. En 1973, le retour du péronisme au pouvoir après dix-huit années de proscription ne permet pas de juguler cette poussée. Après la mort de Juan Domingo Perón, cette dernière se poursuit sous la présidence d’Isabel Perón. Elle débouche ainsi en juillet 1975 sur la première grève générale de l’histoire argentine tournée contre un gouvernement justicialiste : c’est le Rodrigazo. Parallèlement, au sein des secteurs les plus radicalisés du mouvement ouvrier, des structures de coordination et d’auto-organisation, les Coordinadoras, font leur apparition. Ce travail, qui englobe la période constitutionnelle allant de mai 1973 à mars 1976, se centre sur les tendances à la rupture entre la base ouvrière et populaire péroniste et « son » gouvernement. A la jonction de l’histoire sociale et de l’histoire du mouvement ouvrier, puisant dans la presse de l’époque, commerciale autant que militante, ainsi que dans l’histoire orale, cette étude se veut comme une contribution à un « cinquième récit » des années 1970 en Argentine. A la différence des quatre lectures historiographiques ou « récits » qui ont prévalu depuis 1976, (« récit des militaires », « théorie des deux démons », « récit du renouveau », « récit kirchnériste »), ce travail a pour objet d’analyser les conditions d’émergence de cette conflictualité sociale, ses différentes modalités d’expression, sa cristallisation à travers diverses formes d’organisation et d’auto-organisation, mais également la façon dont la gauche radicale des années 1970 intervient en son sein. / Until the coup of March 1976, the 1970s were characterised in Argentina by a dramatic increase of social conflict in general, and of worker conflict in particular. This situation, which was initiated by the Cordobazo of May 1969, goaded the military regime of the Argentinian Revolution. The return to power of the Peronists in 1973, after 18 years of proscription, could not stop the deepening conflict. It continued after Juan Domingo Perón’s death, and throughout Isabel Perón’s period in power. In 1975 it led to the first ever general strike in Argentinian history, which was orchestrated against a justicialist government: the Rodrigazo. Simultaneously, in the most radical sectors of the workers’ movement, coordination and self-organisation structures (the Coodinadoras) began to appear. This work covers the constitutional period from May 1973 to March 1976, and focuses on the widening rift between Perón and the workers and the population at large. It aims to contribute to a “fifth” reading of the 1970s in Argentina by positioning itself at the crossroads between social history and labour history, and basing itself on mainstream and militant press coverage of the time and oral history. Unlike the four historiographical readings which have predominated since 1976 (the “military reading”, the “two demons theory”, the “renewal reading”, and the “kirchnerist reading”) this work aims to analyses the conditions from which the social conflict emerged, the different ways in which it expressed itself, its crystallisation through various forms of organisation and self-organisation, and also the role played by the radical left in the process.
35

Arbetslösa i rörelse : Organisationssträvanden och politisk kamp inom arbetslöshetsrörelsen i Sverige, 1920-34

Andreasson, Ulf January 2008 (has links)
This doctoral thesis sets out to analyse the development of the unemployed movement in Sweden during the period 1920–34. The study is divided into two parts. The first is empirical and descriptive while the second is interpretive and explanatory, and seeks to examine why this phenomenon developed in the way it did. Mass unemployment in Sweden between the World Wars did not cause the same social tensions as in many other countries. This relative peace endured despite high and consistent unemployment and hard living conditions for the unemployed. These conditions served as sources for tensions present in the unemployed movement, and which some actors sought to take advantage of and even exacerbate. Andréasson argues that a major reason that society did not take a more radical turn in the period was that the reformist labour movement actively moderated these tensions. This was done by the Social Democratic Party (SAP) changing the environment of the unemployed organisations, for example by using local unemployment policy to polish off the rough edges of the national unemployment policy. More important was the crisis politics in the early 1930s that helped narrow the socio-economic gap between those who had and those who did not have a job. The Swedish Trade Union Confederation (LO) neutralised the movement of the unemployed by introducing changes within the unemployed movement itself, involving a variety of strategies. After 1933, the LO and SAP dominated and were able to direct the activities of most of the organisations that existed. Gaining control over the unemployed was as important for the LO and SAP as being able to exert control over other forces that might threaten to weaken their long-term strategies and aims. There was a conviction within the unemployed movement that mass unemployment was largely a consequence of technological developments in production. This argument had roots dating back to the early stages of industrialism in England when Luddites had attacked production machinery. The coalition of organisations of unemployed workers in Sweden during the 1920s and 1930s did not seriously consider engaging in machine-breaking activities. The movement’s criticism of technology did not extend into the Swedish model which envisioned the development of machinery as a way to prevent rising unemployment. / QC 20100628
36

A Proletarian Prometheus: Socialism, Ethnicity, and Revolution at the Lakehead, 1900-1935

Beaulieu, Michel S. 06 March 2009 (has links)
“The Proletarian Prometheus: Socialism, Ethnicity, and Revolution at the Lakehead, 1900-1935” is an analysis of the various socialist organizations operating at the Canadian Lakehead (comprised of the twin cities of Port Arthur and Fort William, Ontario, now the present-day City of Thunder Bay, and their vicinity) during the first 35 years of the twentieth century. It contends that the circumstances and actions of Lakehead labour, especially those related to ideology, ethnicity, and personality, worked simultaneously to empower and to fetter workers in their struggles against the shackles of capitalism. The twentieth-century Lakehead never lacked for a population of enthusiastic, energetic and talented left-wingers. Yet, throughout this period the movement never truly solidified and took hold. Socialist organizations, organizers and organs came and went, leaving behind them an enduring legacy, yet paradoxically the sum of their efforts was cumulatively less than the immense sacrifices and energies they had poured into them. Between 1900 and 1935, the region's working-class politics was shaped by the interaction of ideas drawn from the much larger North Atlantic socialist world with the particularities of Lakehead society and culture. International frameworks of analysis and activism were of necessity reshaped and revised in a local context in which ethnic divisions complicated and even undermined the class identities upon which so many radical dreams and ambitions rested. / Thesis (Ph.D, History) -- Queen's University, 2007-12-14 20:26:40.652
37

From womb to work : a theological reflection of "child labour" in Zimbabwe.

Ngwenya, Sinenhlanhla Sithulisiwe. January 2009 (has links)
The socio-economic and political crisis in Zimbabwe is breeding poverty which forces children to drop out of school and find a way to survive. Children in Zimbabwe no longer work for extra income to spend with peers or to pay for school fees, but they work for their survival. Therefore this is a study on child labour. Zimbabwe is signatory to the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child however, all these laws are not helping to mitigate against child labour. Despite the existence of child labour in Zimbabwe there has been little theological response. The current theological debates have overlooked the suffering of children through child labour. This argument refers to both academic and church theology. The basic theological argument in this study is that in order to protect children from child labour there is need to construct a liberative theology of children which focuses on; dignity, identity, love, justice and freedom. / Thesis (M.Th.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2009.
38

Lighting the torch of liberty : the French Revolution and Chartist political culture, 1838-1852

Dengate, Jacob January 2017 (has links)
From 1838 until the end of the European Revolutions in 1852, the French Revolution provided Chartists with a repertoire of symbolism that Chartists would deploy in their activism, histories, and literature to foster a sense of collective consciousness, define a democratic world-view, and encourage internationalist sentiment. Challenging conservative notions of the revolution as a bloody and anarchic affair, Chartists constructed histories of 1789 that posed the era as a romantic struggle for freedom and nationhood analogous to their own, and one that was deeply entwined with British history and national identity. During the 1830s, Chartist opposition to the New Poor Law drew from the gothic repertoire of the Bastille to frame inequality in Britain. The workhouse 'bastile' was not viewed simply as an illegitimate imposition upon Britain, but came to symbolise the character of class rule. Meanwhile, Chartist newspapers also printed fictions based on the French Revolution, inserting Chartist concerns into the narratives, and their histories of 1789 stressed the similarity between France on the eve of revolution and Britain on the eve of the Charter. During the 1840s Chartist internationalism was contextualised by a framework of thinking about international politics constructed around the Revolutions of 1789 and 1830, while the convulsions of Continental Europe during 1848 were interpreted as both a confirmation of Chartist historical discourse and as the opening of a new era of international struggle. In the Democratic Review (1849-1850), the Red Republican (1850), and The Friend of the People (1850-1852), Chartists like George Julian Harney, Helen Macfarlane, William James Linton, and Gerald Massey, along with leading figures of the radical émigrés of 1848, characterised 'democracy' as a spirit of action and a system of belief. For them, the democratic heritage was populated by a diverse array of figures, including the Apostles of Jesus, Martin Luther, the romantic poets, and the Jacobins of 1793. The 'Red Republicanism' that flourished during 1848-1852 was sustained by the historical viewpoints arrived at during the Chartist period generally. Attempts to define a 'science' of socialism was as much about correcting the misadventures of past ages as it was a means to realise the promise announced by the 'Springtime of the Peoples'.
39

Black Food Trucks Matter: A Qualitative Study Examining The (Mis)Representation, Underestimation, and Contribution of Black Entrepreneurs In The Food Truck Industry

Ariel D Smith (14223191) 11 August 2023 (has links)
<p>Food trucks have become increasingly popular over the last decade following the Great Recession of 2008. Scholars have begun to study the food truck phenomenon, its future projected trajectory, and even positioning it within social justice discourse along cultural lines; however, scholarship has yet to address the participation of Black entrepreneurs in the food truck industry.</p> <p><br></p> <p>The objective of this dissertation is to expand the perception of Black food entrepreneurs within the food truck industry by interrogating how Black food truck owners are misrepresented, under analyzed, and underestimated. Using a series of interdisciplinary qualitative methods including introspective analysis, thematic coding analysis, and case studies, I approach this objective by addressing three questions. First, I analyze movies and television to understand where Black-owned food trucks are represented in popular culture and how they are depicted. In doing so, we come to understand that Black business representation, specifically Black food truck representation consistently falls victim to negative stereotypes. These stereotypes can influence the extent to which Black food truck owners are taken seriously and seen as legitimate business leaders in their community. Second, I interview 16 Black food truck entrepreneurs to understand why the mobile food industry appealed to them and how it has become a platform for them to explore other opportunities. Finally, I review eight cities that have launched Black food truck festivals and parks within the last 6 years to gain an understanding of the collective power wielded by Black food truck owners and its impact Black communities. Moreover, this dissertation challenges the myth that collectivism does not exist among Black entrepreneurs and the Black community broadly.</p>

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