本文重點在於提出框式結構理論的增補原則，指出語義「冗餘」性體現在語義內涵的大小差異，針對同一對象的兩個成份，較具體成份層級高於較抽象成份，這稱為框式結構的「『冗餘』成份假設」。在粤語實際情況中，後置成份是較抽象成份，有較寬廣的語義指稱，前置成份是較具體成份，指稱比較直接。 語例方面，後置的「嚟、住、咋、啫、咁滯」比對應的前置成份更抽象。「嚟」表示過去時，對應的「正話、啱啱」表示一個過去時間點；「住」表示靜態的時間間隔，「暫時」是提供靜態間隔的時段；「咋 、啫 」表示各種限制，「淨係」表示指義限制，「咁滯」約量動態、靜態謂語的狀態，「差唔多」約量動態謂語的達成階段。本文認為以上假設的句法意義在於前置成份層級高於後置成份，前後置成份不一定組成一個狹義的短語，但在展現局部性的孤島內，兩者保持固定層階關係。較具體成份的指稱未定，較抽象成份指稱也不能定下來，這是兩者層階固定的原因。前後置成份的內涵差異跟兩者句法性質有關，前置成份是修飾語。根據傳統方案，後置成份是功能詞短語的中心語，是表示關係的成份 ，而根據最新理論，後置成份是廣義的謂語。按照新近的方案，粤語後置成份的大量出現有其類型學依據，反映更廣泛的語際差異。前後置成份的語義差異，可視為修飾語與中心語或謂語的差異所致。本文最終目標是指出互補作用是上述關係的必然結果，後置成份補充前置成份沒有的語義，前置成份使後置成份未明確的指稱明確化，如「正話、暫時」指出後置成份的時間，「齋、淨係、差唔多」指出後置成份的焦點。粤語前後置成份的共現讓互補作用減少聽話者從語言外推斷語義的需要。從信息角度看，框式結構減輕了理解的負擔。 / The major focus of this thesis is to offer supplementary principles for the theory of discontinuous constructions. It indicates that semantic "redundancy" is embodied in the intensional variation. For the two elements acting upon the same target, the more specific one is at a higher hierarchy level than the more abstract one. This is known as the "Hypothesis for 'Redundant' Elements" with regard to the theory of discontinuous constructions. In the case of Cantonese, the postverbal elements are more abstract and have a wider scope of reference, whereas the preverbal elements are more specific and their reference is more direct. For example, postverbal lai4, zyu6, zaa3, ze1 and gam3zai6 are more abstract than their preverbal counterparts: lai4 indicates the past time, and the corresponding zing3waa6 and ngaam1ngaam1 indicate a past time point; zyu6 indicates a stative time interval, and zaam6si4 offers a duration for this stative interval; zaa3 and ze1 are restrictive in various dimensions, and zing6hai6 indicates restriction in the denotative sense; gam3zai6 approximates on the state of dynamic and stative predicates, and caa1m4do1 approximates on the stage of achievement of dynamic predicates. As for the syntactic implications, it is argued that the preverbal elements are hierarchically higher than the postverbal elements, but they do not necessarily form a phrase in the strict sense. However, within an island exhibiting locality, they have a fixed hierarchical relation. This is because the reference of the more abstract element cannot be determined before the reference of the more specific one is determined. Intensional variation between the preverbal and postverbal elements relates to their syntactic nature. The preverbal element is an adjunct. In accordance with traditional accounts, the postverbal element is the head of a functional phrase indicating relations. In line with the recent theories, the postverbal element is a predicate in the broad sense. The recent proposals explain from the typological perspective the emergence of extensive postverbal elements in Cantonese, which is a reflection of the broader cross-linguistic variation. Semantic differences between preverbal and postverbal elements can be translated as the differences between adjuncts and heads or predicates. The ultimate goal of this thesis is to highlight the certainty of the resulting complementation effect. The postverbal elements offer the missing sense for the preverbal ones, and the preverbal elements specify the underspecified reference of the postverbal ones: zing3waa6 and zaam6si4 indicate the time, whereas zaai1, zing6hai6 and caa1m4do1 indicate the focus. The co-occurrence of Cantonese preverbal and postverbal elements alleviates the necessity for the listeners to infer from outside the language. From the informational point of view, the discontinuous constructions reduce the burden of interpretation. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / 鄭兆邦. / Parallel title from added title page. / Thesis (Ph.D.) Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2015. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 327-346). / Abstracts also in English. / Zheng Zhaobang.

The primary purpose of the present study was to compare the quality of spontaneous language samples elicited from twelve low socioeconomic, normally developing, migrant Spanish-speaking subjects by their mothers in the home and by this investigator in the clinic. The subjects ranged in age from three years, one month to six years, nine months.

This dissertation is an exploration of Chinese middle constructions, which starts with distinguishing the middle construction from the middle voice, considering that these two terms have long been used interchangeably with different connotations. Consequently, middle data presented in the literature vary tremendously, both intra-linguistically and inter-linguistically. In order to delineate a clear boundary for the middle construction, this study defines it as a generic semantic category with the obligatory non-realization of a verb’s highest argument. By contrast, the middle voice is a morphological category with various syntactic and semantic features. Starting from the working definition arrived at, the study identifies several middle constructions, viz., the qilai middle, the hao middle, the rongyi/nan middle, the de middle (and the te middles in Chengdu Chinese), the bu middle and transitive middles. Most of these middle constructions come with middle markers, though these are both morphologically and syntactically diversified. In the case of transitive middles, middle formation depends on an idiosyncratic argument realization of a small group of verbs and does not include markers. In this sense, the presence of middle markers is not a design feature of Chinese middles. Moreover, the occurrence of the identified middle markers does not necessarily lead to a middle analysis, because they can also mark other constructions, e.g., the qilai unaccusative construction, the rongyi/nan tough construction, and the de-resultative unaccusative construction. Syntax-wise, Chinese middles can have both complex predicates (e.g., [V-qilai AP] and [rongyi/nan V]) and simple predicates (e.g., hao-V, V-de-A, V-bu-A, V-te-A, V-te), both of which are proved to be unergative in nature. Consequently, these middle constructions are collectively termed “unergative middles”, which stand in contrast with “transitive middles” in terms of transitivity. However, “unergative middles” and “transitive middles” share one property: they do not involve any movement mechanisms. Therefore, both of them are subsumed under the rubric of “lexical middles”, which in addition exhibit the cross-linguistic lexical middle properties proposed by both Marelj (2004) and Lekakou (2005). This study is the first to adopt a parametric approach to Chinese middle constructions. It adds Chinese to languages like English, Dutch and German on the list of lexical middle languages, to be distinguished from syntactic middle languages like French, Italian, Portuguese, and Serbian/Croatian. / published_or_final_version / English / Doctoral / Doctor of Philosophy

Not available / text

published_or_final_version / Psychology / Master / Master of Philosophy

No description available.

Dispersion of mass is a measure of the deviation of transportation of fluid in a reactor from ideal reactor behavior (perfect mixing or plug flow) caused by the combined effects of diffusion, convection and migration. Axial dispersion is always undesirable because it reduces the driving force of the reaction and therefore causes a lower level of conversion. On the other hand, transverse dispersion is often a desirable feature since good transverse mixing will reduce the transverse concentration and temperature gradients and hence improve the selectivity of a thermochemical reactor. Transverse dispersion of mass is of more importance in a three-dimensional flow-by electrochemical reactor than that in a thermochemical reactor because the potential drop is in the transverse direction and the reaction rate and selectivity are determined by the potential as well as concentration and temperature distributions. The transverse dispersion of mass is expected to have a more profound effect on the performance of a 3D electrochemical reactor due to the strong interaction among the concentration, temperature and potential distributions in the transverse direction. In the present work, the axial and transverse dispersion of mass were studied with a twodimensional dispersion model in two types of rectangular packed bed: i) randomly packed glass beads with the average bead diameter of 2 mm and a macroscopic bed porosity of 0.41; ii) a representation of a 3D flow-by electrode - consisting of a bed of carbon felt with the carbon fibre diameter of 20 urn and a macroscopic bed porosity of 0.95. A tracer stimulation-response system was set up and axial and transverse dispersion of In Blackfoot, DPs appear to take obligatory wide scope with respect to the universal quantifier while bare nouns take obligatory narrow scope with respect to the universal quantifier. I propose that the difference in scope-taking properties of Blackfoot nominals is a consequence of their syntactic position. I propose that over argument DPs are adjoined to the clause whereas bare nouns are base generated in an argument position. I suggest that the scope properties fall out from this distinction in the syntax. The Blackfoot universal quantifier, ohkan-, is a preverb. That is, ohkan- occurs as a part of the verb stem preceding the verb root itself. I propose that ohkan- is head of its own QP which takes the VP as its complement. I follow Sportiche (1998) in categorizing ohkan- as a stranded quantifier since it is base generated external to VP. Bare nouns, since they are generated within VP, are structurally inferior to ohkan-, since they are within its c-command domain. The adjoined DPs, however, are structurally superior to ohkan-, since they are adjoined to the clause. I propose that the structural superiority of DPs translates to their obligatory wide scope. Conversely, the structural inferiority of bare nouns translates to their obligatory narrow scope. Blackfoot is a relatively understudied Algonquian language spoken in Southern Alberta and Northern Montana. The Blackfoot data presented in this work come primarily from my own work with two Blackfoot speakers. Both of my language consultants hail from Southern Alberta speak and the Blood dialect of Blackfoot.

This thesis sets out to test the Full Transfer Full Access hypothesis (FTFA), which claims (i) that second language (L2) learners start out with the parameter settings instantiated in their first language (L1) grammars ('full transfer') and (ii) that they can subsequently reset parameters to the target L2 settings where these differ from the L1 settings, provided the required (triggering) positive evidence is available in the L2 input ('full access'). / Three studies on the L2 acquisition of two verb movement parameters, the V2 parameter and the Split-IP parameter (SIP), are reported. The first study investigates 'full access', testing whether English-speaking learners of Afrikaans, who started acquiring the L2 in early childhood and are thus child L2 learners, can reset the two parameters. The second study investigates 'full transfer' and 'full access' by testing whether English-speaking and German-speaking learners start out with different settings of the two parameters and whether the English-speaking learners can reset the parameters. All participants in this study are adult L2 learners, which facilitates a comparison of child L2 acquisition (first study) with adult L2 acquisition. The third study investigates whether Afrikaans-speaking learners of French can acquire knowledge of the ungrammaticality of certain construction types that are allowed in their L1 but not in the L2 (although the languages share the same parameter setting), despite the fact that there seems to be no positive evidence to this effect in the L2 input. It is argued that, taken together, the studies provide evidence in support of the FTFA. / The original contribution of this thesis lies in (i) investigating both verb movement parameters (instead of only one), (ii) providing a thorough discussion of the relevant syntactic properties of Afrikaans, (iii) investigating the L2 acquisition of Afrikaans, and (iv) addressing the question of how learners go about acquiring a parameter setting ([+SIP]) in cases where both the L1 and the L2 share the parameter setting but the L1 exhibits a superset of the properties exhibited by the L2.

"A syntactic Analysis of Kinyarwanda applicatives" is a study of the syntax of Kinyarwanda which focuses on applicatives. Applicatives are constructions in which the object of a preposition becomes the direct object of the verb through a grammatical function changing process. In such constructions, the verb bears a morpheme referred to as the applicative morpheme which turns an intransitive verb into a transitive verb and a transitive verb into a ditransitive verb. The derived object may perform various thematic functions, including those of instrument, beneficiary, goal, manner, reason, purpose and motive. The study provides a thorough description of different types of ditransitive applicatives in Kinyarwanda by examining the syntactic properties exhibited by both objects. In general Kinyarwanda may be classified as a 'symmetrical' language in which more than one object can exhibit direct object properties. This is true for instrumental, benefactive and manner applicatives. However, some applicatives in Kinyarwanda such as the locative applicatives are 'asymmetrical' in that only one object exhibits all the direct object properties. In my research I analyse Kinyarwanda applicatives within the framework of Principles-and-Parameters (Chomsky 1981, 1986a, b and subsequent work), more specifically the Government and Binding theory (Chomsky 1981). I base the discussion on three analyses that have been proposed in the literature of applicatives: Baker's (1988) preposition incorporation theory, Larson's (1988) double object construction analysis and Nakamura's (1997) account of object extraction in applicative constructions, which is based on Chomsky's (1995) Minimalist Program. The study shows that the above analyses account for some aspects of applicatives, but that there are certain facts that are not accounted for, which require a different analysis. / Thesis (M.A.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, 2005.

This thesis is concerned with the connection between syntax and semantics regarding the construction of special meaning in English. To investigate this construction I have taken a selection of English idioms, modified them in structured ways and then presented them to a group of English mother tongue speakers to test whether, although modified, these idioms retain their idiomaticity. These modifications took the form of two specific operations, those of mobility and transferability (the latter operation was created for the purpose of this thesis). An idiom’s parts are considered mobile if its parts can undergo movement and retain an idiomatic reading. In this thesis, the movement operation that I was concerned with was passivisation. An idiom’s parts are considered transferable if one of its parts can be replaced (e.g. the verb with another verb or the object determiner phrase with another determiner phrase) and idiomaticity is retained. I hypothesise that whether an idiom’s parts are transferable and mobile is dependent on whether the idiom is compositional or not. I will discuss the above hypothesis against previous work of both Chomsky’s (1995) Minimalist Program and Jackendoff’s (1997) representational modularity. The results gained in this study show that idioms cannot be categorised neatly as compositional or non-compositional, but rather exist on a continuum of idiomaticity. On the one end of the continuum exist idioms that are completely inflexible and the rate of flexibility increases the further the continuum extends. Therefore on the one side of the scale is an idiom such as “trip the light fantastic” which is inflexible and on the other side is an idiom such as “I lift my hat to you” which is flexible but in restrained ways. / Thesis (M.A.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, 2013.