Several earlier studies have discussed the relationship between economic inequality and democracy, although no consensus have yet been reached regarding whether there is a relation and the actual shape of it. The aim of this study is to investigate this relationship via a time series cross sectional analysis. The study is performed with panel data containing measurements of the quality of liberal democracy within countries, as well as measurements of economic inequality (distribution of pretax national income and wealth in the household sector within the richest 1% and poorest 10% of the population). The study shows a relationship between economic inequality and the quality of liberal democracy. Furthermore, the different conceptualizations of economic inequality are shown to have different effect and relevance depending on the social groups in question. Income distribution correlates strongly positive with an increase in democratic quality regarding the poorest 10% of the population, while wealth distribution correlates negatively regarding the riches 1%. Furthermore, two theoretical mechanisms through which these effects could occur are investigated; one focuses on the effects that economic inequalities have on support for democracy among the poorest, the other on the effect that concentration of economic assets has on political equality and the actions of the wealthiest within society. The study shows support for the second mechanism regarding a relationship between measures of economic inequalities and measures of how much political influence is based on economic assets, where more economically unequal societies tend to also have a more unequal distribution of political influence.

This essay aims to explain why Colombia has not consolidated into a liberal democracy between the years 1991 to 2015. To examine the purpose of this essay five interactive arenas are analyzed in order to describe to which extent Colombia is affected by the various arenas. Three questions are being discussed and answered; to which extent have the political society and civil society affected the consolidation of a liberal democracy, to which extent have rule of law and the state bureaucracy affected the consolidation of a liberal democracy and, to which extent have the economic society affected the consolidation of a liberal democracy.The theoretical framework is based upon theories regarding different types of democracy and democratic consolidation. The essay is a theory consuming case study, with descriptive questions and explanatory approach. The framework is used to qualitatively illuminate empirical material to the study research questions. The conclusions of this essay shows that Colombia has not consolidated into a liberal democracy because of large illegal activities, physical attacks from non-state groups, widespread distrust of the political system and absence of conflict resolution through a democratic process.

This essay aims to investigate and analyse the extent to which there are conditions in Guatemala and Honduras to introduce liberal democracy, how the countries conditions differ and to draw conclusions about which country  that has the most conditions and thus is the most likely to introduce liberal democracy. The theoretical framework that this essay is based on is Juan J. Linz and Alfred Stepan's four arenas; civil society, political society, the rule of law and the state bureaucracy. In order to reach the purpose, a comparative case study was done. The  conclusions  of  this  essay shows that both countries have, to some extent, conditions to introduce liberal democracy, however they also lack conditions within other areas.

As our world globalizes and grows smaller, there is increasing concern about questions related to the future of liberal democracy. Following the breakdown of communism on the European continent and the ensuing emphasis on the universalization of liberal democratic values as ‘the end of history’, much research has been centered on understanding the crafting of stable democratic systems in East-Central Europe. Recently, the widely observed phenomenon of ‘illiberal backsliding’ has evoked considerable scholarly attention. However, the research community lacks a deeper understanding of the factors determining the prospects of sustainable democratic consolidation in a post-authoritarian environment. This case study therefore relates the problems associated with anchoring democratic governance in the post-communist states of East-Central Europe to a broader framework of democratization theories. It is argued that consolidating democracies is a far more complex task than has earlier been acknowledged, as it depends on a multitude of interrelated socio-cultural and political determinants. As is further proposed, the post-communist countries have largely been entrapped in an unsustainable state of incomplete democratic consolidation, evident specifically in the prevalent lack of civic culture and a deficient process of citizenship formation, entailing a serious risk of authoritarian backlash. A somewhat paradoxical hypothesis is suggested: that periods of illiberal government actually could be instrumental to generate the kind of social community needed for a long-term sustainable democratic society. In a concluding discussion on the prospects of consolidating democracy on a global scale, it is stated that the liberal democratic endeavor may be facing two future trajectories: while the first one is that of a global democratic decline in the face of authoritarian reaction, the opposite trajectory implies that liberal democracy may well have a universal future, although to accelerate to that point, it needs to overcome an initial state of instability requiring some setbacks.

This paper aims at analyzing and understanding the political conflict between the EU and member states Hungary and Poland that has increased in recent years. Though this paper's focus will be on the different understanding and application of democracy, its meaning and values. By understanding the different approach to democracy, through liberal democracy and illiberal democracy, one may understand the conflict better and its implication for European integration. This paper analyses the democratic development in Hungary and Poland, the theories behind their development and its response from the EU. The importance of understanding the core values of democracy and understanding of it, be it liberal democracy or illiberal democracy, is not to be underestimated. Only by understanding these differences in core values can we understand the conflict of Rule of Law between the EU and its illiberal member states. This paper concludes that the negative democratic development in these states and their governments' public philosophical and political narratives for their reforms are not in coordination with neither reality nor public opinion. It also finds that the development of illiberal democracies within the EU is a threat to future European integration and the normative legitimacy of the EU in internal and foreign matters.

Syftet med studie var att synliggöra hur samhällskunskapslärare på gymnasiet förhåller sig till fostransuppdraget i en värld där polarisering blir vanligare. Detta gjordes genom att synliggöra hur polarisering ter sig i klassrummet, hur lärarna hanterar kontroversiella frågor, hur de hanterar dilemmat i styrdokumenten samt deras relation till fostransuppdraget. Data för denna kvalitativa undersökning samlades in genom samtalsintervjuer och analyserades därefter med en riktad innehållsanalys. Resultaten visar att lärarna är medvetna om den växande polariseringen, men de upplever att den närmast syns mer i samhället än i klassrummet. Eleverna har snarare blivit mer tillbakadragande och oengagerade, där rädsla för att sticka ut resulterar i en självcensur hos eleverna. Vad gäller dilemmat om social kontroll och individuell frihet i styrdokumenten så är det något som lärarna balanserar. Det är viktigt att tydliggöra att skolan inte kommer med ett åsiktspaket. Eleven måste tillåtas vara sin egen, men också respektera det samhälle de existerar i. Det finns skillnader i hur lärarna ser på sitt fostransuppdrag. Vissa ser det som naturligt och ägnar därför inte någon särskild uppmärksamhet till det, medan andra anser att det blivit än viktigare på grund av den ökade polariseringen att tydliggöra sitt fostransuppdrag. Lärarna upplever att de finns vissa svårigheter med fostransuppdraget, där en är att fostransuppdraget inte är ett samlat ämne, att egenintresset styr och att elevers brist på engagemang kan försvåra uppdraget. / The aim of this study was to make visible how upper-secondary schoolteachers in social studies relate to the citizenship education in a world where polarization is becoming more normal. This was done by accounting how polarization appears in a classroom, how teachers handle issues that are controversial, how they handle the dilemma that appears in curriculums and how they relate to the citizenship education. The data for this qualitative study was collected by interviews and thereafter analysed with a directed content analysis. The result show that the teachers are aware of the increasing polarization, but their experiences is that it is more visible in society rather than in the classrooms. Pupils have become more withdrawn and careless, whereas the fear of standing out has resulted in a self-censorship among the pupils. When it comes to the dilemma of social control and individual freedom in the curriculum, the teacher balance them both. It is important to show that the school does not come with only one package of opinions. The pupils must be allowed to be their own, but also respect the society where she exits in. There are differences in how the teacher view their mission about citizenship education. Some sees it as natural and does not pay special attention to it, whereas others think it has become more important due to the increased polarization. The teachers also feel that there are certain difficulties with citizenship education, one of which is that it is not a subject on its own, that the self-interest rules and that the lack of interest and commitment among the pupils, which can make the assignment more difficult. / Examensarbete i samverkan

Statistics from Freedom House show that 2018 is the thirteenth consecutive year with democratic decline. This paper examines underlying causes to this democratic decline. This is done through literature review of current research in the field of democracy development. By using descriptive idea analysis of selected research literature, the paper aims to clarify the current debate on the challenges of democracy. The study somewhat supports that long-term liberal democracy creates conditions that potentially cause its own retreat. This is because long-term liberal democracy provides peace and growth, which is unequally distributed in society and leads to increased social divisions. As a result, large groups of people no longer feel included in society, which in turn will pave the way for populist movements and potential autocratic leaders. The study also somewhat supports that there has been a weakening in the functioning of the democratic institutions to act as gatekeepers, keeping potential autocrats out of power. Increased democracy and transparency in the democratic processes has made it easier for potential autocrats to come to power. All in all, there is some support for the hypothesis of the essay: The more democracy the greater the risk that the democratic system will weaken.