In this article, I want to explain Michael Otsuka¡¦s idea of distributive justice, the latest theory of the left-libertarianism. Otsuka argued that self-ownership can be combined with a kind of egalitarian ownership principle and he critics that the conflict between self-ownership and equality is an illusion. I will examine Otsuka¡¦s theory about self-ownership, egalitarian proviso and the framework of political societies of voluntarism. And I will point out what is the wrong and right in his theory.

What makes for a just society constitutes one of the most intensely debated subject among political philosophers. There are many theorists striving to identify principles of justice and each believes his/hers theory to be the best. The literature on this subject is much too voluminous to be canvassed in its entirety here. I will, however, examine the stances and arguments of three key schools of thought shaping the modern discussion of social justice: libertarianism (particularly Robert Nozick and Milton and Rose Friedman), liberal egalitarianism (John Rawls and Ronald Dworkin), and socialism (Karl Marx and John Roemer). Each of these schools articulate sharply contrasting views. These differences create an intriguing debate about what the most just society would look like.

<p>The study argues that implicit in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the principle of immigration as human rights is supported by principle of positive freedom, negative freedom, and equal autonomy. The study endorses a liberal egalitarian perspective by claiming that human right to immigrate promotes equal autonomy. The study also investigates why the principle of immigration as a human right has been dismissed by doctrines within Liberalism. It argues that a state lacks a legitimacy to employ a principle of national self-determination against the immigration issue. Instead, a state has a moral obligation to the protection of a human right to immigrate; it also has a duty to provide equal social rights to the immigrants in compared with those of the citizens.</p>

The study argues that implicit in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the principle of immigration as human rights is supported by principle of positive freedom, negative freedom, and equal autonomy. The study endorses a liberal egalitarian perspective by claiming that human right to immigrate promotes equal autonomy. The study also investigates why the principle of immigration as a human right has been dismissed by doctrines within Liberalism. It argues that a state lacks a legitimacy to employ a principle of national self-determination against the immigration issue. Instead, a state has a moral obligation to the protection of a human right to immigrate; it also has a duty to provide equal social rights to the immigrants in compared with those of the citizens.

Marinha do Brasil / A sociedade demanda a prostituição e a explora desde os tempos mais remotos. Apesar do uso imemorial e intensivo dos serviços sexuais prestados por essas mulheres, o fenômeno social continua sendo tratado como um tabu em pleno século XXI. O mundo se divide entre os países que não toleram a prostituição, e criminalizam as condutas da prostituta, do cliente e de quem explora economicamente a atividade (proibicionismo), os que consideram a atividade degradante para a mulher e querem aboli-la, porém criminalizam apenas a conduta daquele que explora a atividade econômica e/ou a dos clientes, mas não a da prostituta, (abolicionismo) e os que a encaram como uma atividade legítima, com ou sem questionamentos morais, e a regulamentam (regulamentarismo). A presente dissertação envereda-se nas tarefas de diagnosticar o tratamento conferido pelo Estado brasileiro à prostituição, traçar um perfil contemporâneo da atividade, pesquisar os regimes legais existentes na atualidade em diversos países, analisar os resultados práticos decorrentes de cada um desses regimes, comentar a jurisprudência internacional relevante e, finalmente, debater os fundamentos envolvidos na intensa controvérsia que ronda a prostituição, com o objetivo de encontrar respostas para as seguintes perguntas: 1) é possível, numa perspectiva filosófica e constitucional, impedir-se que pessoas adultas e livremente orientadas prostituam-se, demandem prostituição ou desenvolvam atividades econômicas baseadas nos serviços sexuais? 2) é exigível do Estado alguma conduta relativamente à prostituição? Apurou-se neste estudo que, salvo nos países em que a profissão é regulamentada, as prostitutas são tratadas como cidadãs de 2 classe, privadas dos direitos mais elementares, carentes de reconhecimento, empurradas para o submundo social e estigmatizadas. A inexistência de legislação que garanta seus direitos expõe-nas à criminalidade, a riscos de saúde, a ambientes insalubres e, ainda por cima, aumenta o estigma que pesa sobre elas. Os fatores empíricos analisados &#8213; criminalidade, saúde, trabalho e tributação &#8213; apontam todos no sentido da necessidade de regulamentação da atividade, alguns deles, inclusive, por recomendação de organismos internacionais ligados à ONU, como a Organização Internacional do Trabalho OIT e a Comissão Global sobre HIV e o Direito. Por outro lado, no contexto da filosofia política defendida nesta dissertação, o liberalismo igualitário, a intromissão do Estado na opção da mulher de se prostituir e no desempenho dessa atividade é absolutamente vedada, pois implica tratar a prostituta como menos do que um sujeito moral igual. Finalmente, na perspectiva constitucional, apurou-se que a intervenção e a omissão praticadas pelo Estado abolicionista ferem os direitos fundamentais das prostitutas à autonomia pessoal, à igualdade e à dignidade da pessoa humana, bem como, constituindo a opção de se prostituir uma questão moral autorreferente, ela deve ser retirada do jogo político majoritário, sob pena de violar-se o princípio fundamental da democracia. No desenvolvimento do tema, com base nas respostas encontradas para as perguntas acima e nas razões que conduzirem a elas, serão apresentados os fundamentos que sustentam a defesa da regulamentação da prostituição no Brasil. / Since early times prostitution has been in demand and exploited by society. Despite intensive and immemorial use of the sexual services rendered by these women, this social phenomenon is still treated as taboo in the 21st century. The world is divided between countries that do not tolerate prostitution, and criminalize the behavior of prostitutes, clients and those who economically exploit the activity (prohibitionism); countries that consider the activity as degrading for women and seek to abolish it, criminalizing the behavior of those that economically exploit the activity and/or clients, but not that of the prostitute (abolitionism); and countries that regard it as a legitimate activity, with or without moral questionings, and regulate it. The present work attempts to diagnose the treatment of prostitution conferred by the Brazilian state, build a contemporary profile of the activity, research on the current legal regimes existent in several countries, analyze the practical results stemming from each of these regimes, comment on the relevant international judicial decisions and, finally, discuss the arguments involved in the intense controversy surrounding prostitution in order to find answers for the following questions: 1. From a philosophical and constitutional standpoint, is it possible to prevent adults, who are entitled to choose based on their own free will, from committing prostitution, soliciting prostitution or developing economic activities related to sexual services? 2. Is it possible to demand from the state any action in terms of prostitution? This study revealed that in all countries, except those in which the profession is regulated, prostitutes are treated as second-class citizens, are deprived of the most basic rights, lack recognition, are stigmatized, and are pushed into the social underworld. The inexistence of legislation that will guarantee their rights not only exposes them to crime, health risks, hazardous environments, but also increases the stigma they are subject to. The empirical factors analyzed crime, health, labor conditions and taxation some of which by recommendation of UN-related international organisms, such as the International Labor Organization (ILO) and the Global Commission on HIV and the Law, all indicate the need for regulation of the activity. On the other hand, according to the political philosophy advocated in this work -- liberal egalitarianism -- state interference in the womans decision to become a prostitute and to pursue this activity is strictly forbidden, since it implies treating the prostitute as less than an equal moral subject. Finally, from a constitutional perspective, the intervention and omission of the abolitionist state violate the fundamental rights of prostitutes to personal autonomy, equality, and human dignity. Besides, since the choice of exercising prostitution is a morally self-regarding issue, it should be withdrawn from the democratic process, as otherwise violating the basic principle of democracy. Based on the answers obtained for the above-mentioned questions, and on the reasons that lead up to them, this study will present arguments for the regulation of prostitution in Brazil

Marinha do Brasil / A sociedade demanda a prostituição e a explora desde os tempos mais remotos. Apesar do uso imemorial e intensivo dos serviços sexuais prestados por essas mulheres, o fenômeno social continua sendo tratado como um tabu em pleno século XXI. O mundo se divide entre os países que não toleram a prostituição, e criminalizam as condutas da prostituta, do cliente e de quem explora economicamente a atividade (proibicionismo), os que consideram a atividade degradante para a mulher e querem aboli-la, porém criminalizam apenas a conduta daquele que explora a atividade econômica e/ou a dos clientes, mas não a da prostituta, (abolicionismo) e os que a encaram como uma atividade legítima, com ou sem questionamentos morais, e a regulamentam (regulamentarismo). A presente dissertação envereda-se nas tarefas de diagnosticar o tratamento conferido pelo Estado brasileiro à prostituição, traçar um perfil contemporâneo da atividade, pesquisar os regimes legais existentes na atualidade em diversos países, analisar os resultados práticos decorrentes de cada um desses regimes, comentar a jurisprudência internacional relevante e, finalmente, debater os fundamentos envolvidos na intensa controvérsia que ronda a prostituição, com o objetivo de encontrar respostas para as seguintes perguntas: 1) é possível, numa perspectiva filosófica e constitucional, impedir-se que pessoas adultas e livremente orientadas prostituam-se, demandem prostituição ou desenvolvam atividades econômicas baseadas nos serviços sexuais? 2) é exigível do Estado alguma conduta relativamente à prostituição? Apurou-se neste estudo que, salvo nos países em que a profissão é regulamentada, as prostitutas são tratadas como cidadãs de 2 classe, privadas dos direitos mais elementares, carentes de reconhecimento, empurradas para o submundo social e estigmatizadas. A inexistência de legislação que garanta seus direitos expõe-nas à criminalidade, a riscos de saúde, a ambientes insalubres e, ainda por cima, aumenta o estigma que pesa sobre elas. Os fatores empíricos analisados &#8213; criminalidade, saúde, trabalho e tributação &#8213; apontam todos no sentido da necessidade de regulamentação da atividade, alguns deles, inclusive, por recomendação de organismos internacionais ligados à ONU, como a Organização Internacional do Trabalho OIT e a Comissão Global sobre HIV e o Direito. Por outro lado, no contexto da filosofia política defendida nesta dissertação, o liberalismo igualitário, a intromissão do Estado na opção da mulher de se prostituir e no desempenho dessa atividade é absolutamente vedada, pois implica tratar a prostituta como menos do que um sujeito moral igual. Finalmente, na perspectiva constitucional, apurou-se que a intervenção e a omissão praticadas pelo Estado abolicionista ferem os direitos fundamentais das prostitutas à autonomia pessoal, à igualdade e à dignidade da pessoa humana, bem como, constituindo a opção de se prostituir uma questão moral autorreferente, ela deve ser retirada do jogo político majoritário, sob pena de violar-se o princípio fundamental da democracia. No desenvolvimento do tema, com base nas respostas encontradas para as perguntas acima e nas razões que conduzirem a elas, serão apresentados os fundamentos que sustentam a defesa da regulamentação da prostituição no Brasil. / Since early times prostitution has been in demand and exploited by society. Despite intensive and immemorial use of the sexual services rendered by these women, this social phenomenon is still treated as taboo in the 21st century. The world is divided between countries that do not tolerate prostitution, and criminalize the behavior of prostitutes, clients and those who economically exploit the activity (prohibitionism); countries that consider the activity as degrading for women and seek to abolish it, criminalizing the behavior of those that economically exploit the activity and/or clients, but not that of the prostitute (abolitionism); and countries that regard it as a legitimate activity, with or without moral questionings, and regulate it. The present work attempts to diagnose the treatment of prostitution conferred by the Brazilian state, build a contemporary profile of the activity, research on the current legal regimes existent in several countries, analyze the practical results stemming from each of these regimes, comment on the relevant international judicial decisions and, finally, discuss the arguments involved in the intense controversy surrounding prostitution in order to find answers for the following questions: 1. From a philosophical and constitutional standpoint, is it possible to prevent adults, who are entitled to choose based on their own free will, from committing prostitution, soliciting prostitution or developing economic activities related to sexual services? 2. Is it possible to demand from the state any action in terms of prostitution? This study revealed that in all countries, except those in which the profession is regulated, prostitutes are treated as second-class citizens, are deprived of the most basic rights, lack recognition, are stigmatized, and are pushed into the social underworld. The inexistence of legislation that will guarantee their rights not only exposes them to crime, health risks, hazardous environments, but also increases the stigma they are subject to. The empirical factors analyzed crime, health, labor conditions and taxation some of which by recommendation of UN-related international organisms, such as the International Labor Organization (ILO) and the Global Commission on HIV and the Law, all indicate the need for regulation of the activity. On the other hand, according to the political philosophy advocated in this work -- liberal egalitarianism -- state interference in the womans decision to become a prostitute and to pursue this activity is strictly forbidden, since it implies treating the prostitute as less than an equal moral subject. Finally, from a constitutional perspective, the intervention and omission of the abolitionist state violate the fundamental rights of prostitutes to personal autonomy, equality, and human dignity. Besides, since the choice of exercising prostitution is a morally self-regarding issue, it should be withdrawn from the democratic process, as otherwise violating the basic principle of democracy. Based on the answers obtained for the above-mentioned questions, and on the reasons that lead up to them, this study will present arguments for the regulation of prostitution in Brazil

Ce mémoire de maîtrise tente de répondre à deux questions interreliées : l’État a-t-il, d’un point de vue philosophique, un droit d’exclure et quelle est la réponse que l’État devrait donner, d’un point de vue moral, au phénomène migratoire? Pour ce faire, nous nous livrons à l’analyse critique du débat philosophique sur les frontières et l’immigration entre les défenseur.e.s du droit d’exclure de l’État et les tenant.e.s de l’ouverture des frontières. Adoptant une approche non idéale égalitariste libérale cosmopolitique et nous concentrant principalement sur la migration économique non qualifiée en provenance des pays pauvres et à destination des riches démocraties libérales dans le monde d’aujourd’hui, nous critiquons successivement les arguments sécuritaire, socio-économique et démocratique en faveur du droit d’exclure de l’État. De manière générale, nous visons à montrer que ces trois arguments exagèrent la menace que représente l’immigration pour la sécurité, l’ordre public, les emplois, les salaires, l’État-providence, la culture et l’autodétermination politique, et qu’ils n’accordent pas assez de poids aux intérêts des migrant.e.s en provenance de pays pauvres. Nous en concluons que l’État n’a pas, d’un point de vue philosophique, un droit d’exclure, et qu’il serait moralement préférable d’ouvrir davantage les frontières, tout en redéfinissant les pouvoirs et les responsabilités des États et des institutions internationales afin de permettre une gouvernance internationale multilatérale de la migration et de mieux répondre aux principaux problèmes qui amplifient le phénomène migratoire, c’est-à-dire les conflits armés, les inégalités socio-économiques criantes au niveau international et les changements climatiques. / This master’s thesis tries to answer two interrelated questions: does the state have, from a philosophical point of view, a right to exclude, and what is the answer the state should give, from a moral point of view, to the migratory phenomenon? To do this, we engage in a critical analysis of the philosophical debate on borders and immigration between the defenders of the state’s right to exclude and the defenders of open borders. Adopting a non-ideal cosmopolitan liberal egalitarian approach and focusing mainly on unskilled economic migration from poor countries to rich liberal democracies in today's world, we successively criticize the security, socio-economic and democratic arguments for the state’s right to exclude. In general, we aim to show that these three arguments exaggerate the threat of immigration for security, public order, jobs, wages, the welfare state, culture and political self-determination, and that they do not give enough weight to the interests of migrants from poor countries. We conclude that the state does not, from a philosophical point of view, have a right to exclude, and that it would be morally preferable to open the borders further, while redefining the powers and responsibilities of states and international institutions to enable an international multilateral governance of migration, and to better respond to the main problems that amplify the migratory phenomenon, i.e. armed conflicts, glaring global socio-economic inequalities, and climate change.