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Orientador: José Antonio Segatto / Banca: Vera Lúcia Vieira / Banca: Wanderson Fábio de Melo / Banca: Milton Lahuerta / Banca: Ângelo Del Vecchio / Resumo: Este trabalho pretende recuperar a trajetória do intelectual carioca José Honório Rodrigues que, ao longo de sua vida, tematizou a respeito da teoria e metodologia da História e, a partir do decênio de 1950, passou a centrar sua obra na produção de uma interpretação da sociedade brasileira. A ruptura dos anos 50 pauta-se pelo ideário assumido pelo autor, isto é, o nacionalismo-liberal, sendo que este foi a base de suas tematizações e de sua interpretação do Brasil. O núcleo interpretativo oferece uma compreensão do país, tendo a conciliação como base de explicação da sociedade, pois a partir dessa reflexão o autor aponta para os momentos em que a liderança política, assumindo a "conciliação" com o povo, proporciona a melhoria nas condições de vida do povo e, dessa forma, evita a prática de uma "História Cruenta" por parte das lideranças antipovo. Essa análise de José Honório foi determinante para sua crítica aos rumos da sociedade no contexto posterior ao golpe civil militar de 1964, denominado o período como "Generalismo presidencial". Sua crítica ao "presidencialismo imperial" dos militares o levou a assumir uma postura de reflexão e posicionando de forma ativa na "Política Externa Independente", a partir de 1965. Sendo assim, nosso intuito é recuperar todo esse contexto que permite a identificação de José Honório Rodrigues como um intérprete da sociedade brasileira / Abstract: This paper to recover the trajectory of intellectual Jose Honorio Rodrigues, who, throughout his life, thematized on the theory and methodology of history and from the decade of 1950, has focused his work in producing an interpretation of society Brazil. Rupture of 50 years is guided by the ideas given by the author, that is, liberal-nationalism, and this was the basis of their analytic themes and their interpretation of Brazil. The core offers an interpretive understanding of the country and the reconciliation as a basis for explanation of society, because from this discussion the author points to times when leadership, taking the "reconciliation" with the people, provides better conditions life of the people and thus avoids the practice of a "grisly history" by the leaders'. This analysis of Jose Honorio was instrumental in his criticism of the direction of society in the context of post-civil-military coup in 1964, called the period as "general president." His criticism of the "imperial presidentialism" of the military led him to assume a posture of reflection and positioning of the active form in the "Independent Foreign Policy" from 1965. Thus, our aim is to restore that environment that allows the identification of Jose Honorio Rodrigues as an interpreter of Brazilian society / Doutor

The overall purpose guiding this thesis was to assess the possibility of liberal nationalism in Sweden. In order to do that, a descriptive analysis of Swedish citizens attitudes regarding national identity is needed. National identity was assessed as an umbrella term consisting of four separate dimensions: national attachment, national pride, national chauvinism and a normative conception of national identity. The dimensions can be separated empirically and result in different consequences. It’s assumed that older people have stronger feelings about national identity compared to younger. This presumption was tested with a Chi2-test between people below and over 65 years old, acquired from a representative sample of the Swedish people. The main result from this thesis was that overall the Swedish people have a strong attachment to their country, with over 90% feeling close or very close to Sweden. Most are also proud over their citizenship (over 90%), where a strong sense of pride originates from the way democracy works (80%). Attitudes about the normative conception of national identity showed that respect of political institutions and laws, language and culture are seen as important elements of a true Swede. Around 23% had chauvinistic attitudes. The result is however not conclusive since 40% of the respondents chose a non-saying alternative. This requires further investigation, preferably with a qualitive approach. Together with an ethnic conception of Swedishness, chauvinism is the part of national identity that clearly relates negatively to liberal nationalism. In general, no clear differences were found when comparing older with younger. Except for the normative conception of national identity, where a statistic significant difference showed that older have higher demand and also a more ethnic understanding of citizenship. There was also a tendency that older identified more strongly with Sweden, and younger were prouder of how democracy works.

In his seminal work Strangers in Our Midst (2016a.), David Miller develops his version of liberal nationalism, where he argues for liberal states being justified in requiring immigrants to integrate themselves culturally before giving them access to formal citizenship equal to native citizens. Elsewhere, Miller (2016b.) has also expressed that there are instances when states are justified in revoking citizenships for national security reasons. This paper argues that these positions held by Miller are inconsistent with each other. To make the case against Miller for why this is, three arguments are presented. Firstly, the strict immigration policy suggested in liberal nationalism is permissible because once it is successfully completed, the naturalised citizen gains equal standing in citizenship to native born citizens. If denationalisation is applied in conjunction, but only to some, then their citizenship statis is not equal, and thus the justification for liberal nationalist immigration policy is undermined. Secondly, while it might otherwise be plausible that this injustice is permissible by viewing dual citizens secondary citizenship as a protective privilege, the necessary integration in liberal nationalism makes this response less believable. Finally, one of the most important objectives in liberal nationalism is to promote trust between members. If dual citizens are the only ones who can have their citizenship revoked, and the only reason for this is on suspicion of terrorism, then this risk promoting mistrust against these individuals, making the combination of liberal nationalism and denationalisation self-defeating.

The aim of the present paper is to better understand the reality of religious pluralism, itscauses and the possibilities by which this situation could be maximized in the sense oftrying to reach a satisfactory agreement for all parties involved through reflections onpluralism. Corollary, it seeks to deepen the understanding on the topic ofmulticulturalism with a focus on the field of religious and political theory on topics suchas minorities, religious and cultural pluralism, liberal multiculturalism. In trying tosolve this spinney theoretical inquiry I chose to focus on a case study about theOrthodox Church’s traditional values that represent the keystone of what the Churchpreaches, with a strong focus on collective interests to the detriment of individual rights,intolerance of religious minorities.

This thesis argues for a reformulated concept of nationality in order to avoid the problem of multiple national identities, which Lior Erez has shown to constitute a severe problem for the theory of liberal nationalism. At first, the problem’s plausibility is through idékritik, finding aspects of self-determination at its core. Thereafter, through a process of reflective equilibrium, the thesis concludes that the inclusion of Margaret Moore’s criterion of political aspiration, together with Ludvig Beckman’s all-affected principle, would avoid the problem. The thesis thereby highlights nationalism’s relationship to questions of self-determination, -rule, and sovereignty, a domain of nationalism that seems to be hitherto undertheorized.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:35:18Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2010-04-19Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T21:07:43Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 alvesjunior_p_dr_arafcl.pdf: 916372 bytes, checksum: 2eb8d4aafefefb93f9d117d66a0dda7d (MD5) / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / Este trabalho pretende recuperar a trajetória do intelectual carioca José Honório Rodrigues que, ao longo de sua vida, tematizou a respeito da teoria e metodologia da História e, a partir do decênio de 1950, passou a centrar sua obra na produção de uma interpretação da sociedade brasileira. A ruptura dos anos 50 pauta-se pelo ideário assumido pelo autor, isto é, o nacionalismo-liberal, sendo que este foi a base de suas tematizações e de sua interpretação do Brasil. O núcleo interpretativo oferece uma compreensão do país, tendo a conciliação como base de explicação da sociedade, pois a partir dessa reflexão o autor aponta para os momentos em que a liderança política, assumindo a “conciliação” com o povo, proporciona a melhoria nas condições de vida do povo e, dessa forma, evita a prática de uma “História Cruenta” por parte das lideranças antipovo. Essa análise de José Honório foi determinante para sua crítica aos rumos da sociedade no contexto posterior ao golpe civil militar de 1964, denominado o período como “Generalismo presidencial”. Sua crítica ao “presidencialismo imperial” dos militares o levou a assumir uma postura de reflexão e posicionando de forma ativa na “Política Externa Independente”, a partir de 1965. Sendo assim, nosso intuito é recuperar todo esse contexto que permite a identificação de José Honório Rodrigues como um intérprete da sociedade brasileira / This paper to recover the trajectory of intellectual Jose Honorio Rodrigues, who, throughout his life, thematized on the theory and methodology of history and from the decade of 1950, has focused his work in producing an interpretation of society Brazil. Rupture of 50 years is guided by the ideas given by the author, that is, liberal-nationalism, and this was the basis of their analytic themes and their interpretation of Brazil. The core offers an interpretive understanding of the country and the reconciliation as a basis for explanation of society, because from this discussion the author points to times when leadership, taking the reconciliation with the people, provides better conditions life of the people and thus avoids the practice of a grisly history by the leaders’. This analysis of Jose Honorio was instrumental in his criticism of the direction of society in the context of post-civil-military coup in 1964, called the period as general president. His criticism of the imperial presidentialism of the military led him to assume a posture of reflection and positioning of the active form in the Independent Foreign Policy from 1965. Thus, our aim is to restore that environment that allows the identification of Jose Honorio Rodrigues as an interpreter of Brazilian society

<p>The study argues that implicit in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the principle of immigration as human rights is supported by principle of positive freedom, negative freedom, and equal autonomy. The study endorses a liberal egalitarian perspective by claiming that human right to immigrate promotes equal autonomy. The study also investigates why the principle of immigration as a human right has been dismissed by doctrines within Liberalism. It argues that a state lacks a legitimacy to employ a principle of national self-determination against the immigration issue. Instead, a state has a moral obligation to the protection of a human right to immigrate; it also has a duty to provide equal social rights to the immigrants in compared with those of the citizens.</p>

The study argues that implicit in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the principle of immigration as human rights is supported by principle of positive freedom, negative freedom, and equal autonomy. The study endorses a liberal egalitarian perspective by claiming that human right to immigrate promotes equal autonomy. The study also investigates why the principle of immigration as a human right has been dismissed by doctrines within Liberalism. It argues that a state lacks a legitimacy to employ a principle of national self-determination against the immigration issue. Instead, a state has a moral obligation to the protection of a human right to immigrate; it also has a duty to provide equal social rights to the immigrants in compared with those of the citizens.