Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Missouri-Columbia, 2004. / Typescript. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 237-248). Also available on the Internet.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Missouri-Columbia, 2004. / Typescript. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 237-248). Also available on the Internet.

The purpose of this essay is to investigate if Northern Ireland and the Good Friday agreement are examples of Consociotional Democracy. According to the theory of Consociotional democracy it will create stability in divided societies. However, that has not been the case in Northern Ireland where division between unionists and nationalists continue and political stability is lacking. If Northern Ireland is an example of Consociotional democracy, the theory seems to have failed, at least in this case. By comparing The Long Friday Agreement and Northern Ireland to the 10 elements of Consociotional democracy presented in Arend Lijpharts book Patterns of Democracy: Government forms and performances in Thirty Six Countries I reached the conclusions that The Good Friday Agreement and Northern Ireland can be considered axamples of Consociotional democracy.

Aiming to contribute to the discourse on the sustainability of consociational democracy in plural societies, this case study provides an examination of Lebanon’s power sharing model. The study begins with an evaluation of the Taif Agreement. After acknowledging its effect on Lebanon’s consociational system the function and operation of Lijphart’s four consociational elements are analyzed. From these evaluations one can argue that power-sharing principles have helped Lebanon to maintain a relative calm after its civil war, but also that they have failed in generating national cohesion and a strong state. A re-emerging proposition in this study is hence that consociationalism has been both a solution and an impediment to the development of Lebanon.

Frågan om ett enat Irak har sedan en tid tillbaka diskuterats av såväl irakiska som utländska politiker, inte minst efter att de USA-ledda militära trupperna avtog och lämnade landet under 2011. Däremot har det varit svårt att uppnå ett enat irakiskt samhälle, sett till det faktum att landet består av många olika religiösa och etniska fraktioner som driver olika politiska agendor. Denna uppsats ämnar att jämföra hur en del utvalda villkor (avseende regerinsbildning, autonomi och representation) från Arend Lijpharts teori om konsociationalism har förändrats i Irak före och efter den kurdiska självständighetsomröstningen den 25:e september 2017. Det är en jämförande fallstudie med en kvalitativ metod. Resultatet visar att villkoret "maktbalans" inte var uppfyllt mellan 2005-2017, men att det delvis uppfylls från 2017 och framåt. Villkoret "flerpartisystem och representation" möttes till viss del mellan 2005 och några år framåt, dock inte från 2017 och framåt. Slutligen är villkoret "segmentell autonomi" uppfyllt under båda tidsperioderna, men efter det kurdiska referendumet har omständigheterna och relationerna mellan KRG och centralregeringen i Baghdad förändrats. / The issue of a united Iraq has for some time been discussed by both Iraqi and foreign politicians, not least after the US-led military troops declined and left the country during 2011. However, it has been difficult to achieve a united Iraqi society, considering the fact that the country consists of many different religious and ethnic groups that run different political agendas. This essay intends to compare how some selected conditions (regarding government formation, autonomy and representation) from Arend Lijphart’s theory of consociationalism have changed in Iraq before and after the Kurdish independence referendum the 25th of September 2017. It is a comparative case study with a qualitative approach. The result shows that the condition ”balance of power” was not fulfilled between 2005-2017, but that it is partly fulfilled from 2017 and onwards. The condition ”multi- party system and representation” was met to some extent between 2005 and a few years ahead, though not from 2017 and onwards. Lastly, the condition ”segmental autonomy” is fulfilled during both time periods, however after the Kurdish referendum, the circumstances and relations between KRG and the central government in Baghdad have altered in some ways.

La thèse porte sur le système tripartite de relations professionnelles du Grand Duché de Luxembourg, regroupant les autorités publiques ainsi que les organisations syndicales et patronales. Elle se pose deux questions. Dans quelle mesure on peut parler d’un modèle de relations professionnelles propre au Luxembourg ? Ce modèle relève-t-il ou non du type consociatif tel que théorisé par Arendt LIJPHART ? Il s’agit d’une étude de cas portant sur un seul pays.La thèse est divisée en six chapitres. Le premier présente le Luxembourg et ses relations professionnelles. Le second porte sur l’évolution de deux institutions importantes des relations professionnelles. Le troisième présente les théories mobilisées dans le cadre de la thèse. Les chapitres 4, 5 et 6 consistent en une analyse des principaux éléments de la théorie de LIJPHART appliquée aux relations professionnelles tripartites luxembourgeoises. Les conclusions répondent aux questions posées ci-dessus. / The thesis is about the tripartite system of professional relations of the Grand Duchy of Luxembourg, amalgamating the public authorities as well as the trade-union and employers’ organisations. The thesis asks itself two questions. To which extend can we speak of a model of professional relations proper to Luxembourg ? Is this model answerable or not to the consociative type as theorized by Arend LIJPHART ? It is about a case study concerning one single country. The thesis is devided into six chapters. The first one presents Luxembourg and its professional relations. The second one is about the evolution of two important institutions of the professional relations. The third one presents the theories mobilized in the scope of the thesis. The chapters 4, 5, and 6 are composed of an analysis of the main elements of the LIJPHART theory applied to the tripartite professional relations of Luxembourg. The conclusions answer the above-mentioned questions.

La thèse porte sur le système tripartite de relations professionnelles du Grand Duché de Luxembourg, regroupant les autorités publiques ainsi que les organisations syndicales et patronales. Elle se pose deux questions. Dans quelle mesure on peut parler d’un modèle de relations professionnelles propre au Luxembourg ? Ce modèle relève-t-il ou non du type consociatif tel que théorisé par Arendt LIJPHART ? Il s’agit d’une étude de cas portant sur un seul pays.La thèse est divisée en six chapitres. Le premier présente le Luxembourg et ses relations professionnelles. Le second porte sur l’évolution de deux institutions importantes des relations professionnelles. Le troisième présente les théories mobilisées dans le cadre de la thèse. Les chapitres 4, 5 et 6 consistent en une analyse des principaux éléments de la théorie de LIJPHART appliquée aux relations professionnelles tripartites luxembourgeoises. Les conclusions répondent aux questions posées ci-dessus. / The thesis is about the tripartite system of professional relations of the Grand Duchy of Luxembourg, amalgamating the public authorities as well as the trade-union and employers’ organisations. The thesis asks itself two questions. To which extend can we speak of a model of professional relations proper to Luxembourg ? Is this model answerable or not to the consociative type as theorized by Arend LIJPHART ? It is about a case study concerning one single country. The thesis is devided into six chapters. The first one presents Luxembourg and its professional relations. The second one is about the evolution of two important institutions of the professional relations. The third one presents the theories mobilized in the scope of the thesis. The chapters 4, 5, and 6 are composed of an analysis of the main elements of the LIJPHART theory applied to the tripartite professional relations of Luxembourg. The conclusions answer the above-mentioned questions.

La thèse porte sur le système tripartite de relations professionnelles du Grand Duché de Luxembourg, regroupant les autorités publiques ainsi que les organisations syndicales et patronales. Elle se pose deux questions. Dans quelle mesure on peut parler d'un modèle de relations professionnelles propre au Luxembourg ? Ce modèle relève-t-il ou non du type consociatif tel que théorisé par Arendt LIJPHART ? Il s'agit d'une étude de cas portant sur un seul pays.La thèse est divisée en six chapitres. Le premier présente le Luxembourg et ses relations professionnelles. Le second porte sur l'évolution de deux institutions importantes des relations professionnelles. Le troisième présente les théories mobilisées dans le cadre de la thèse. Les chapitres 4, 5 et 6 consistent en une analyse des principaux éléments de la théorie de LIJPHART appliquée aux relations professionnelles tripartites luxembourgeoises. Les conclusions répondent aux questions posées ci-dessus.

Diploma thesis "The Theory of Consociational Democracy and the Development of the Northern Ireland's Conflict" examines the ongoing conflict in Northern Ireland and also the possibility to apply this theory in this particular case. The principal objective of research is to analyze the long-standing conflict and explore the possibility to apply one of the most famous political science's theories, the author of which is Dutch political scientist A. Lijphart, currently on situation in Northern Ireland. This conflict lasting for many decades culminated in the 60s of the last century accompanied by violent and bloody clashes between opposing groups. Actors led by British government tried to solve this situation through the introduction the principle of power-sharing. This research offers an analyses of this conflict and also his changes in time, but also different actors and transformation of their attitudes, which were the reason of the movement from violent and armed conflict to the peaceful solution. This research offers not only an analyses of the conflict of itself but what more an analyses of the peace process, in which shows if the conflict resolution in Northern Ireland has had elements of consociational. One more objective of the diploma thesis is make a statement, if there is any possibility...

This paper examines how the serbian president Milorad Dodik in Bosnia and Herzegovina positions himself in regards to the Dayton agreement. The paper focuses on three theoretical positions that Dodik can position himself with; Arend Lijpharts consociational democracy, Sam Smoohas ethnic state, and secession. To investigate which position he takes, I use a content analysis wherein I have chosen statements made by Dodik. These statements are then compared to the three theoretical approaches to see which one Dodik positions himself with. The result shows that Dodik mentions all of the possible positions but does not clearly mention which he positions himself with. However when looking at the result I find that he positions himself with the ruling types that go outside the Dayton agreements consociational democracy sixteen times but positions himself with the Dayton agreement only six times. Therefore Milorad Dodik positions himself outside of the Dayton agreements consociational democracy.