Au cours des cinq dernières décennies, la Turquie n’a cessé de montrer son désir profond de devenir un Etat membre de l’Union européenne. Cette étude aura pour but de mettre en exergue l’évolution des relations euro-turques depuis 1959 à nos jours étant précisé que le point de départ sera marqué par le traité d’Ankara, signé en 1963, connu également sous le nom de Traité d’association. En effet, bien que la candidature turque occupe une place importante dans les débats européens, les bases juridiques de la relation euro-turque ne sont quasiment jamais évoquées. La recherche portera également sur les évolutions survenues dans le sillage du Conseil Européen d’Helsinki (1999) qui accorda à la Turquie le statut de candidate à l’adhésion. Malgré de substantielles évolutions positives, les négociations avancent au ralenti. L’adhésion de la Turquie à l’Union européenne ne pourra donc être clairement envisagée que lorsque des réformes réelles et concrètes auront été engagées en Turquie. En effet, même si ces dernières années ont profondément transformé le paysage turc dans de nombreux domaines, on s’aperçoit que les pratiques ne sont pas encore à la hauteur des législations communautaires. Enfin, la persistance du gouvernement turc à ne pas se conformer aux recommandations européennes sur des sujets très sensibles semble remettre en cause la probabilité d’adhésion de la Turquie au sein de l’Union européenne. / In the past five decades, Turkey has consistently demonstrated its deeply felt desire to become a European Union Member State. The purpose of the present study is to highlight the development of Euro-Turkish relations from 1959 to nowadays, it being specified that the starting point of this study is the Ankara Treaty, signed in 1963, also known as the Association Treaty. Indeed, although Turkey candidacy is now an important part of the European debates, the legal basis of the Euro-Turkish relations are rarely mentioned. The study will also focus on the developments that occurred when the Helsinki European Council of December 1999 stated that Turkey was a candidate for accession to the European Union. Despite substantial and positive developments, the negotiations are progressing very slowly. Therefore, the Turkish accession to the European Union will only be actively considered, when Turkey incurs tangible and real reforms. Indeed, even though changes in recent years have profoundly transformed the Turkish landscape in many areas, it has been noticed that its practices are still not up to Community legislation. Finally, the likelihood of Turkey’s accession to the European Union seems to be questioned by the Turkish government persistence not to comply with European recommendations on highly sensitive issues.

La tesi dottorale indaga l'articolato sistema di interferenze che la normativa dell'Unione europea esercita sul diritto penale interno, di cui il settore ambientale è parso emblematico. Dal punto di vista sistematico, la tesi può idealmente essere suddivisa in due parti. La prima di queste è dedicata al più generale interrogativo circa l’atteggiarsi del dialogo tra ordinamento interno e sovranazionale alla luce delle novità determinatesi con la riforma dei Trattati del 2009 (e segnatamente; l'eliminazione della divisione in pilastri dell'Unione, la previsione di una competenza penale indiretta dell'Unione, l'attribuzione di valore giuridicamente vincolante alla Carta dei diritti fondamentali e la prevista adesione alla CEDU) in una prospettiva critica “costituzionalmente orientata”. La seconda è più specificamente rivolta alla materia ambientale, quale banco di verifica del funzionamento della nuova potestà punitiva sovranazionale, nonché della competenza redazionale del legislatore comunitario. / The enquiry aims to explore the relationships between European Legislation and National Criminal Law. The thesis is composed of two parts: the first one relates to questions pertaining to the National Criminal Law in light of the innovations of the Lisbon Treaty (i.e. the abolition of the three-pillar structure of the EU, the EU Criminal Law Competence, the Charter of Fundamental Rights that was given binding legal effect equal to the Treaties, the legal basis for the accession of the Union to the European Convention on Human Rights). The analysis is done assuming a constitutional-oriented approach. The second part relates to Environmental Law as a test case for the EU Criminal Competences.

Esta Dissertação tem por finalidade examinar as diferentes formas por que o federalismo pode e vem se manifestando desde o modelo embrionário, dos Estados Unidos da América, até a união de Estados nacionais que integra a União Européia. Como primeiro passo, destaca os elementos constitutivos do Estado Federal, com ênfase na importância do fator descentralização do poder na construção de um Estado composto formado por Estados autônomos; em seguida, investiga as origens históricas do federalismo antigo e do norte-americano, na busca dos motivos que levaram à criação de tão inovadora forma de governo de modo particular, traz a abordagem de um caso emblemático de federalismo assimétrico, o das Comunidades Autônomas espanholas, a em de demonstrar a complexidade de coexistência em um só Estado de diversas nacionalidades, etnias, tradições regionais etc.; depois, apresenta o impacto do caso europeu, sem precedentes, em uma era globalizada, ante a necessidade de um processo de integração de maior consistência entre Estados. Culmina por perscrutar os fatores federativos emergentes do Tratado de Lisboa, aprovado em 2009. / The purpose of this thesis is to examine into the different ways federalism may assume and has assumed from the embryonic model of the United States of America through the union of national States found in the European Union. As a first step, this study points out the constitutive elements of the federal State, focusing on the power decentralization factor in building a composite State formed of autonomous States. Next, the historic origins of the ancient and the American federalism will be examined, in an attempt to identify the reasons that lead to the creation of such an innovative form of government. Particularly, an emblematic case of asymmetric federalism will be studied, namely, the Spanish Autonomous Communities, in order to demonstrate the complexity of the cohabitation, in a single State, of several nationalities, ethnic groups, regional traditions, etc. Finally, the impact of the unprecedented European case in a global era, in view of the need for a more consistent integration process among States, will be analyzed. The study culminates with an investigation into the federative factors emerging from the Lisbon Treaty ratified in 2009.

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Abstract Since democracy was developed in the ancient Greece it has come to be used within a small city state, within the national state and as today used within a bigger perspective. After the end of the second world war political leaders wanted to make sure that there would never be a war between European countries again. Now, about 60 years later this type of cooperation now involves 27 of the European countries and goes under the name of the Euroapean Union. This means that democracy is no longer used just within the nation state, but within a big organisation that is responsible for almost 500 million Europeans lives. This also means that the European Union need to make some institutional reforms to be able to handle all the future challenges. The European Union is often accused of not being democratic enough and in my thesis I wanted to see what if there were any suggestions for a more democratic union within the new Lisbon treaty. The aim with this thesis has been to investigate if the European Union can be more democratic in the futher according to those changes that is listed in the Lisbon treaty. My comprehensive objective is: does the European Union have any intentions of making the democratic bas within the union more democratic in the new Lisbon treaty? My other objectives are: How democratic is the EU today? How does the democratic base within the EU look like today? How does the democratic base change in the new Lisbon treaty? I have used a qualitative text analysis as a method to answer my questions because it’s a good method to use when we want to investigate organisational changes for example. The result of my thesis has shown that some democratic changes are expressed in the Lisbon treaty and that they will make the EU a little bit more democratic in the future.

Les conséquences du changement climatique ont soulevé un ensemble de problématiques et parmi elles, la migration environnementale. Bien que débattu par certains chercheurs dès le milieu du 20e siècle, ce phénomène pose encore en 2020 des difficultés tant au niveau terminologique, scientifique que juridique, engendrant des approches différenciées en fonction des instances de discussion. Ce mémoire souhaitait évaluer les politiques et normes qui pouvaient être mises en place au niveau régional, tout en prenant en considération le contexte international dans lequel il évolue, afin d’apporter une protection aux déplacés environnementaux. Conséquemment, le choix s’est porté sur l’Union européenne afin de mieux saisir les évolutions apportées par le Traité de Lisbonne. Ce dernier a fourni un cadre juridique nouveau, favorisant la prise en considération des déplacés environnementaux. Nous avons pu examiner les compétences qui pouvaient être saisies par l’Union européenne, avant d’en analyser l’effectivité. Cela nous a permis de conclure que le droit humanitaire, applicable de façon différenciée en fonction des objectifs qu’il poursuit, ainsi que les politiques de prévention, pourraient apporter une aide effective aux déplacés environnementaux. Nous nous sommes également intéressés aux incomplétudes que pouvaient présenter ces mesures. Cette étude s’est toutefois heurtée à certaines limites, notamment par l’approche holistique que nécessite cette recherche. En effet, les constats scientifiques et juridiques divergents ne permettent pas de conclure à des solutions définitives et homogènes. En outre, les enjeux environnementaux tels qu’ils sont posés aujourd’hui peuvent évoluer positivement ou négativement eu égard aux déplacés environnementaux. Enfin, nous avons décidé de nous attarder uniquement sur les politiques applicables au niveau supranational sans nous étendre sur les apports convenus au niveau national par les États membres, compte tenu du format universitaire. / The consequences of climate change have raised a few issues, including environmental migration. Though debated by some researchers as of the middle of the 20th Century, this phenomenon still poses difficulties in 2020 especially in terms of the scientific and legal terminology, generating differentiated approaches depending on the reason for the debate. Considering this continuing legal vacuum, this dissertation wished to assess the policies that could be carried out at the regional level, while taking into consideration the international context in which it operates. Consequently, the choice fell on the European Union to better understand the developments brought about by the Treaty of Lisbon. The latter has brought a new legal framework, favoring the consideration of environmentally displaced people. We were thus able to examine the competences which could be seized by the European Union, before analyzing their effectiveness. This allowed us to conclude that humanitarian law, applicable differently depending on the objectives it pursues, and prevention policies could provide effective aid to the displaced. We were also interested in the limits that these solutions could present. This study, however, came up against certain limitations, notably by the holistic approach required. Indeed, the divergent scientific and legal conclusions did not allow us to draw definitive and homogeneous solutions. In addition, environmental challenges as they are posed today can evolve positively or negatively about environmentally displaced people. Finally, we have decided to focus only on the policies applicable at the supranational level without dwelling on the contributions agreed at the national level by Member States, considering the university format.

The Czech Republic has been regarded as a little troublemaker of the EU due to its Eurosceptic stances. This phenomenon was distinct in the 2000s regardless of the state's position, whether it was just an EU candidate or already a member state. Around the time, President Vacláv Klaus and his political party (ODS), as Czech leadership, contributed to promoting the Eurosceptic governments towards the EU. It could be seen as strange that such a trait was revealed both in the midst of preparations to join the EU and after its accession when it is the proper time to present a cooperative attitude. Thus, this thesis speculates that the skeptical national identity of the Czech Republic has been constructed throughout history, particularly about 450 years from the Bohemia Kingdom to Czechoslovakia (1525~1971), and affected then Czech domestic politics to formulate the official Eurosceptic positions towards the several EU integration matters (constitutional, security, and monetary integrations). In this context, this master's thesis aims to find an objective correlation that Czech identity had an influence on then Czech Euroscepticism. This way, this thesis expects to advance knowledge concerning Czech identity and its relevance to European politics.

1 Abstract - Europeanisation of Criminal Law The Europeanization of criminal law is a convergent process of national criminal orders. This paper focus on a progress made within the political hybrid - the European Union that had no competences in this field in the beginning. Firstly, I present the evolution of the primary law up to the present situation. Next there is an overview of the EU Agencies. The core of this work is to present the newest changes set up by Lisbon Treaty and Stockholm Programme and to chart the evolution of the cooperation that I try to evaluate in the conclusion. The Criminal Law represents a highly particular area of the international cooperation because this legal subject is considered to be one of the most basic elements of the state sovereignty. Thus, any external intervention to the national criminal law presents a hit to the state sovereignty. Another obstacle to the international cooperation in the criminal affairs is the diversity of national criminal orders. Besides, this diversity is believed to be an expression of national peculiarities and any attempt to unify anything in this area is considered to be an effort to repress national differences. We can not deny the symbolic value of the national codifications. Anyway, the biggest problem to the international cooperation is...

Title: Priorities of EU sport policy and funding for sports Objectives: The main objective is to describe the existing methods and the resulting possibilities for the sport funding EU-level scheme. This will result in presenting a comprehensive and clear picture of all EU funding mechanisms that could be beneficial for sports. The thesis also aims to describe the issue in the context of the EU sport policy priorities development and give an overview of the Council and Commission sport-related policy activities. Methods: In this thesis, a method of analysis of legislative and non- legislative texts was used. Other documents examined were further relevant studies, publications and strategic texts. A method of synthesis was also used when the partial information gathered during the relevant meetings of Council formations, conferences and seminars was formed into a comprehensive text. Results: The result is a text that captures the development of EU sport policy priorities and offers specific recommendations for area of sports that derive from the acquired information and from analysis of EU funding schemes. Keywords: sports, funding, EU, Preparatory actions in the field of sport, sport policy, Lisbon Treaty, Erasmus+, Council, European Union, European Parliament

Au-delà du débat entre méthode intergouvernementale et méthode communautaire, le positionnement des Etats-nations par rapport à la construction européenne demeure une variable essentielle pour comprendre comment s’opère cette construction et à quels compromis elle parvient. Traditionnellement abordé sous l’angle de la puissance et de la géopolitique, le rapport entre les Etats de l’Union européenne, désormais réglé par la coopération institutionnelle, doit faire appel à d’autres grilles d’analyse issues de l’histoire et des différences culturelles, sociologiques, économiques, politiques entre les nations. Cette thèse, fondée à la fois sur une expérience diplomatique et sur des travaux de recherche et de réflexion, met en exergue le rôle central et systémique de la relation franco-allemande, à la lumière notamment de la rédaction du projet de Constitution européenne en 2002-2003, des positions actuelles de l’Union sur la politique d’élargissement et la relation avec la Russie, ou de la résolution des problèmes de l’union monétaire depuis 2010. La négociation du cadre financier pluriannuel de l’Union européenne montre comment les Etats-nations s’orientent à partir de la question des « soldes nets » qui oppose pays bénéficiaires et pays contributeurs. Une plus grande équité dans les dépenses et la répartition de la charge contributive pourrait être un moyen de dépasser ces négociations d’apothicaires. La politique étrangère européenne est encore plus l’exemple d’une politique contrainte par les différents intérêts nationaux, ce qui n’a pas empêché le développement de l’Europe de la défense dès lors que celle-ci restait adossée aux Etats-Unis et à l’OTAN. Revisitant la construction européenne en fonction des préférences nationales, cette thèse se conclut en posant l’articulation géopolitique entre Union européenne, « Europe espace » et « Europe puissance ». / Beyond the debate on intergovernmentalism and the “communautarian method”, the positioning of the “Nation States” in Europe is a key factor determining the European construction and its compromises. Traditionnally analysed through geopolitics and power politics, the relationship between the States of the European Union is nowadays ruled by institutional cooperation and must be addressed by new analytical schemes such as cultural, sociological, economical and political differences between the nations. This thesis, based on diplomatic experience and academic works, emphasizes the role of the franco-german relationship regarding in particular the negociation of the European constitution in 2002-2003, the EU positions on enlargement and the relationship to Russia, or the solution to the Eurozone crisis since 2010. In the negociation of the financial perspectives, the positions of Member States is determined by the question of budgetary balances in which contributors and beneficiaries of the EU budget face eachother. More equity in the sharing of expenditures and resources could be a mean to get out of these tough negociations. EU foreign policy is another example of a policy determined by national interests, which didn’t prevent the EU to develop a common defence policy as far as it remains compatible with NATO and the US Strategy. Having revisited the European integration through these national preferences, this thesis questions in conclusion the links between the EU, the European space and the European power.