Questa tesi di ricerca si occupa del ruolo rivestito dai parlamenti nazionali italiano, britannico e tedesco. Analizza il modo in cui questi parlamenti partecipano al processo decisionale ed implementano il diritto dell'Unione europea dopo il Trattato di Lisbona. La ricerca si concentra su un'analisi comparata delle leggi, delle procedure e consuetudini parlamentari al fine di esaminare il ruolo rivestito dai parlamenti nazionali nel contesto europeo. Il nuovo quadro giuridico previsto dal Trattato di Lisbona promuove la creazione di un sistema parlamentare integrato, basato sulle istituzioni europee e sui parlamenti nazionali cui è attribuito un ruolo più incisivo nel processo decisionale europeo, nella convinzione che un loro maggiore coinvolgimento possa contribuire a garantire un livello più efficace di democrazia nel funzionamento complessivo dell'Unione. I parlamenti nazionali possono contribuire a rendere l'U.E. più o meno efficiente. Essi sono chiamati a svolgere un ruolo rilevante nel processo legislativo europeo, in particolare nella fase di formazione delle politiche e del diritto dell’Unione europea (c.d. fase ascendente) e nel monitoraggio dell'esecuzione del principio di sussidiarietà. Il Trattato di Lisbona introduce norme di partecipazione diretta dei parlamenti nazionali nel processo legislativo europeo, trasformandoli in "guardians of subsidiarity". Il Trattato di Lisbona e i relativi Protocolli riconoscono il ruolo della cooperazione interparlamentare, affidando ai parlamenti nazionali il compito di promuovere e organizzare la sua realizzazione all'interno dell'Unione europea. In questa prospettiva le competenze delle commissioni specializzate in affari europei e della COSAC (Conference of Parliamentary Committees for Union Affairs of Parliaments of the European Union) sono ulteriormente potenziate. / This research thesis deals with the role of national parliaments in Italy, United Kingdom and Germany. It analyses the way in which these Parliaments participate in the European Union and implement the Law of the European Union after the Treaty of Lisbon. The research focuses on a comparative analysis of parliamentary procedures, instruments, and practices in order to examine the respective roles of the European Institutions and the national parliaments within the European framework. The new legal framework laid down the Treaty of Lisbon encourages the creation of an integrated parliamentary system, based on the European Parliament and on the national parliaments which are assigned a more incisive role in the European decision-making process, in the belief that these innovations may contribute to guaranteeing a more effective level of democracy in the overall functioning of the Union. The national parliaments can contribute to making Europe more or less effective. They will be called on to play a more important role in the European law-making process, specifically in the pre-legislative dialogue with European institutions and particularly in the monitoring of the enforcement of the subsidiarity principle in European legislation proposals. The Treaty of Lisbon regulations introduce direct participation of national parliaments in the European law-making process, transforming them into the "guardians of subsidiarity". The Treaty of Lisbon and the related protocols recognise and encourage interparliamentary cooperation, entrusting national parliaments with the task of promoting and organising its achievement within the European Union. In this perspective, the competences of the Conference of Community and European Affairs Committees of Parliaments of the European Union (COSAC) are further enhanced. In this thesis, the reasons for overall inclusion of national parliaments in the European Union activities are analysed. The role of national parliaments in the EU according to the specific provisions of the EU treaties is also discussed and the largest part of the work is devoted to the ex ante subsidiarity principle control mechanism (the Early Warning System), which gives the right for the national parliaments to influence the EU legislative process.

The dissertation addresses mixed EU-Member States agreements with third parties. The first part of the dissertation unveils the legal basis of mixed agreements and their relation to the principle of conferred powers. The practices of their negotiation, conclusion and implementation, as well as the boundaries of the CJEU jurisdiction to interpret and apply them are addressed in the second and third part of the dissertation. The fourth part is devoted to the examination of particularities of international responsibility for breach of mixed agreements from the point of view of EU law. In the last two parts, the relevance of the duty of loyal cooperation to mixed agreements and future perspectives of these agreements in the context of the Lisbon Treaty are thoroughly assessed. It is concluded that the legal basis of mixed agreements is the principle of conferred powers. This principle affects all of their practice areas, but to a varying degree. The achievement of balance between this principle and the interests of integrity of mixed agreements is facilitated by the principle of loyal cooperation. The Lisbon Treaty establishes conditions for changes in the practice of mixed agreements and offers legal opportunities for their partial replacement with horizontal EU agreements combining elements of the CFSP and other EU policies. / Disertacijoje nagrinėjamas mišrių ES ir valstybių narių susitarimų su trečiosiomis šalimis institutas. Pirmajame disertacijos skyriuje atskleidžiami šio instituto teisiniai pagrindai ir jo santykis su ES kompetencijos suteikimo principu. Antrajame ir trečiajame skyriuose nagrinėjama mišrių susitarimų derybų, sudarymo ir dalyvavimo juose praktika, o taip pat ES Teisingumo Teismo jurisdikcijos juos aiškinti ir taikyti ribos. Ketvirtajame skyriuje ES teisės požiūriu nagrinėjami tarptautinės atsakomybės už mišrių susitarimų pažeidimą ypatumai. Penktajame skyriuje analizuojama ES lojalaus bendradarbiavimo principo ir iš jo kylančios bendradarbiavimo pareigos reikšmė mišrių susitarimų institutui. Paskutiniame šeštajame skyriuje dėmesys skiriamas šio instituto ateities perspektyvoms Lisabonos sutarties kontekste. Konstatuojama, jog mišrių susitarimų teisinis pagrindas yra ES kompetencijos suteikimo principas. Šis principas pasireiškia visose mišrių susitarimų praktikos srityse, tačiau nevienodai. Balansą tarp šio principo ir mišrių susitarimų integralumo interesų padeda užtikrinti lojalaus bendradarbiavimo pareiga, taikoma mišrios kompetencijos srityse. Galiausiai nustatoma, jog Lisabonos sutartis sukuria sąlygas pokyčiams mišrių susitarimų praktikoje, o taip pat teisines galimybes dalį mišrių susitarimų keisti horizontalaus pobūdžio ES susitarimais, apjungiančiais Bendrosios užsienio ir saugumo politikos ir kitų ES politikos sričių elementus.

Disertacijoje nagrinėjamas mišrių ES ir valstybių narių susitarimų su trečiosiomis šalimis institutas. Pirmajame disertacijos skyriuje atskleidžiami šio instituto teisiniai pagrindai ir jo santykis su ES kompetencijos suteikimo principu. Antrajame ir trečiajame skyriuose nagrinėjama mišrių susitarimų derybų, sudarymo ir dalyvavimo juose praktika, o taip pat ES Teisingumo Teismo jurisdikcijos juos aiškinti ir taikyti ribos. Ketvirtajame skyriuje ES teisės požiūriu nagrinėjami tarptautinės atsakomybės už mišrių susitarimų pažeidimą ypatumai. Penktajame skyriuje analizuojama ES lojalaus bendradarbiavimo principo ir iš jo kylančios bendradarbiavimo pareigos reikšmė mišrių susitarimų institutui. Paskutiniame šeštajame skyriuje dėmesys skiriamas šio instituto ateities perspektyvoms Lisabonos sutarties kontekste. Konstatuojama, jog mišrių susitarimų teisinis pagrindas yra ES kompetencijos suteikimo principas. Šis principas pasireiškia visose mišrių susitarimų praktikos srityse, tačiau nevienodai. Balansą tarp šio principo ir mišrių susitarimų integralumo interesų padeda užtikrinti lojalaus bendradarbiavimo pareiga, taikoma mišrios kompetencijos srityse. Galiausiai nustatoma, jog Lisabonos sutartis sukuria sąlygas pokyčiams mišrių susitarimų praktikoje, o taip pat teisines galimybes dalį mišrių susitarimų keisti horizontalaus pobūdžio ES susitarimais, apjungiančiais Bendrosios užsienio ir saugumo politikos ir kitų ES politikos sričių elementus. / The dissertation addresses mixed EU-Member States agreements with third parties. The first part of the dissertation unveils the legal basis of mixed agreements and their relation to the principle of conferred powers. The practices of their negotiation, conclusion and implementation, as well as the boundaries of the CJEU jurisdiction to interpret and apply them are addressed in the second and third part of the dissertation. The fourth part is devoted to the examination of particularities of international responsibility for breach of mixed agreements from the point of view of EU law. In the last two parts, the relevance of the duty of loyal cooperation to mixed agreements and future perspectives of these agreements in the context of the Lisbon Treaty are thoroughly assessed. It is concluded that the legal basis of mixed agreements is the principle of conferred powers. This principle affects all of their practice areas, but to a varying degree. The achievement of balance between this principle and the interests of integrity of mixed agreements is facilitated by the principle of loyal cooperation. The Lisbon Treaty establishes conditions for changes in the practice of mixed agreements and offers legal opportunities for their partial replacement with horizontal EU agreements combining elements of the CFSP and other EU policies.

This essay focus on the European Union and its democracy both from a national perspec­tive and from an international perspective. Furthermore, the essay center on the con­cept of democratic deficit, this in order to study the European Union´s status regarding the democratic legitimacy. This study intends to nuance the problems that previous research and previous researchers have de­fined as democratic deficits in the European Union and ends up in conducting a textual anal­ysis of the latest European Union treaty, the Lisbon Treaty. The aim is that by using previous research on the democratic deficit in the European Union examine whether the Lisbon Treaty has enhanced the EU's position regarding democratic legitimacy. In other words, my study aims to identify what the deficit is and if it exists. The results show that the Lisbon Treaty has been trying to improve the democratic legitimacy and that some practical adjustments have been made, but it also show that there is much that still can be improved before citizens have full democratic rights.

There is a constant trend in the European Union for heightened pride, desire of extended autonomy and even national independence of regions. The master thesis intends to investigate the relations of selected regions in the EU member states with the European policy level. The general research question to answer is "Which regions are more successful in representing their interests vis-à-vis the European policy level?" The investigation is undertaken in a form of a comparative case study combining qualitative and quantitative research; the examined regions are - following the research hypotheses and intention to provide a multi-perspective analysis of the problem - Scotland (United Kingdom), Hessen (Germany), Trentino-Alto Adige/Südtirol (Italy) and Středočeský kraj (Czech Republic). Based on the comparative analysis the thesis concludes that "regions with wide scope of powers on the national level (usually coming from federal or regionalized member states) with strong economic background are generally more successful in representing their interests vis-à-vis the European policy level."

The aim of this Master thesis was to find out whether the rotating presidency of the Council of the European Union was able to exert influence in EU's external relations after the Lisbon Treaty has entered into force. Thesis was looking on two post-Lisbon Council Presidencies- Hungarian Council Presidency and the Polish Council Presidency and their influence in Eastern Partnership-the flagship initiative of both of these presidencies. Through the identification of the informal roles of the rotating presidency-agenda setter role and broker's role, the influence on the development of Eastern Partnership of both Council Presidencies was determined. The other factors such as the reputation of the presiding country, stable domestic political situation, ability to deal with unexpected developments have been considered as important pre-requisites for the Council Presidency to be able to exert influence through its informal roles.

The criminal justice as well as the persons participating in criminal proceedings, they both are currently facing number of newly posed challenges and unanswered questions so far, due to the onward going integration of the European Union and much closer cooperation of the Member States, in the field of the Procedural Criminal Law. There have been established many new institutions within the field of the European Union in last few years and there were adopted many legal tools which directly influence the cooperation between the judicial and police authorities of individual countries. In connection with newly emerging forms of the crime and more coherent cooperation of the perpetrators of severe crime, the relevant authorities at the union level as well as at the national level encounter situations not being resolved at all, or which are specified by theoretical standards only and have not been put into practice yet. Due to the diversity and abundance of the legal tools and institutions which interfere the criminal law sphere without adjusting their mutual cooperation or without having sorted out the priority of application in many cases, the author of this thesis considers as an appropriate to have such comprehensive view to this relevant issue introduced to the specialized public, as well as having...

L’État membre de l’Union européenne a longtemps été occulté des études de droit communautaire, devenu droit de l’Union européenne. Seule l’adaptation interne de l’État était étudiée. Le « retour de l’État » marqué par le traité de Lisbonne invite cependant à penser la place que ce droit accorde à l’État membre. Ce dernier s’intègre en effet dans un ensemble normatif qui comprend un panel de droits et d’obligations réglant les modalités de son appartenance et de sa participation à l’Union européenne. L’étude de cet ensemble normatif, du point de vue de l’ordre juridique de l’Union, permet alors d’identifier deux sous-ensembles, l’un concernant l’appartenance de l’État à l’Union principalement maîtrisé par ce dernier, l’autre concernant sa participation institutionnelle à la production et l’exécution du droit de l’Union, par lequel l’Union instrumentalise l’État membre afin d’assurer l’effectivité de son droit et d’affirmer l’autonomie de son ordre juridique. / Until recently, European studies did not consider the Member State of the European Union. It has mainly been studied from a national point of view. However, the Lisbon treaty suggests that the Member State is not as neglected by European Union law as one could think. The European Union legal order includes a diversity of rights and duties concerning the membership and the participation of the Member State to the European Union. The norms concerning its membership are controlled by the Member State, while the norms concerning its participation are used by the European Union in order to ensure the effectivity and the autonomy of the European legal order.

Pour contrer la menace de la criminalité organisée qui ne se cesse de se développer en devenant l’un des plus graves enjeux au sein de l’UE, les États membres se trouvent dans l’obligation de renforcer la coopération pénale contre celle-ci. Avec le traité de Maastricht puis la création de l’ELSJ par le traité d’Amsterdam dont la lutte contre la criminalité organisée constitue le moteur essentiel, les États membres expriment leur volonté pour s’organiser les actions et s’unir contre les menaces de la criminalité organisée. Toutefois, ces deux phases ont montré l’ineffectivité de la répression ; la paralysie et beaucoup de faiblesses. Avec son entrée en vigueur en 2009, le traité de Lisbonne commence une nouvelle ère de la lutte contre la criminalité organisée au sein de l’ELSJ. Cependant, même en intégrant ses avancées, il n’amorce pas la rationalisation nécessaire du cadre juridique qu’institutionnel de l’ELSJ contre la criminalité organisée. Des fortes crises que l’UE et l’ELSJ ont connues posent des questions sur la confiance nationale dans cet espace et cette union. La présente thèse cherche à identifier le rôle actuel et futur de l’UE en matière pénale contre la criminalité organisée au sein d’un espace où la libre circulation est le principe. Le rôle attendu ne peut se réaliser réellement qu’à travers d’un système pénal autonome où l’UE a la main forte à l’appliquer dans un climat de confiance et le respect des droits fondamentaux ; des systèmes juridiques d’États membres et leur souveraineté nationale. Dans cette perspective, une modification radicale qui touche à la nature de l’UE et son rôle sera indispensable. Mais qui a la volonté de faire la révolution ? / To counter the threat of organized crime, which is constantly growing and becoming one of the most serious issues in the European Union, member states are under an obligation to strengthen penal cooperation against it. With the Maastricht Treaty, and the creation of the area of freedom, security and justice by Amsterdam Treaty, of which the fight against organized crime is the essential driving force, the Member States express their will to organize their actions and unite against the threats of organized crime. However, these phases have shown the ineffectiveness of the repression; paralysis and a lot of weaknesses. With its entry into force in 2009, Lisbon Treaty begins a new era in the fight against organized crime within the AFSJ. However, even in integrating its progress, it does not initiate the necessary rationalization of the institutional legal framework of the AFSJ against organized crime. Strong crises that the EU and the AFSJ have experienced raise questions about national confidence in this area and the EU. This thesis seeks to identify the current and future role of the European Union within a space where free movement is the principle. The expected role can only really be achieved through an autonomous criminal system where the EU has a strong ability in applying it in a climate of trust and respect for fundamental rights; legal systems of member states and their national sovereignty. In this perspective, a radical change that concerns the nature of the EU will be essential. But who has the will to make the revolution?

L’obiettivo di questa tesi è di valutare che tipo di modello per la gestione delle crisi l’Unione Europea (UE) ha elaborato attraverso l’adozione e l’attuazione del Trattato di Lisbona, ma anche di capire che impatto ha prodotto la sua interazione con lo scenario internazionale di sicurezza. L’analisi è condotta a tre livelli: (1) strategico – elaborazione o revisione di concetti, politiche e documenti quadro; (2) istituzionale – creazione e riorganizzazione delle strutture di riferimento e dei processi decisionali; (3) operativo – pianificazione e gestione delle missioni civili e militari sul terreno. Lo scopo finale è quello di verificare se l’approccio dell’UE alla gestione delle crisi può considerarsi efficace per affrontare i possibili scenari futuri e come possa essere migliorato sulla base delle esperienze più recenti. / The objective of this thesis is to assess what kind of crisis management model the European Union (EU) has elaborated through the adoption and implementation of the Treaty of Lisbon and what is the impact produced by its interaction with the international security context. The analysis is conducted at three different levels: (1) strategic – elaboration or review of concepts, policies and framework documents; (2) institutional – establishment or reorganization of structures and decision-making process; (3) operational – planning and conduct of civilian and military missions on the ground. The final aim is to evaluate whether the EU’s approach to crisis management will be able to face up possible future scenarios and how this model might be improved on the basis of most recent experiences.