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Made available in DSpace on 2016-06-02T19:15:00Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 5542.pdf: 1791474 bytes, checksum: e1597ab89d4b863b29ded81628351bcd (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-12-04 / The public position filled by appointment directly affects the governability and governance in the Brazilian political system, either for maintenance of a stable parliamentary basis or for the formulation and implementation of effective public policies. In the current democratic scenario, the appointment of policy makers with political responsibility and technical capability becomes a key element to the success of the government and enlarges its chance of electoral success. This work argues that the appointment criteria which were used by political parties have clear influence in the increase or decrease of the respective success electoral rates; from this perspective, the electoral result of the parties in the state of São Paulo in the post-redemocratization is here shown. Lastly, in a local case study, the appointment criteria which were used by mayors from parties whose programming and ideological fields are distinct will be shown. / A nomeação de cargos de livre provimento para a administração pública afeta diretamente a governabilidade e a governança no sistema político brasileiro, seja para a manutenção de uma base parlamentar estável ou para formulação e implementação de políticas públicas eficazes. No atual contexto democrático, a nomeação de decisores com responsabilidade política e capacidade técnica torna-se peça chave para o sucesso do governo e amplia sua chance de sucesso eleitoral. Este trabalho argumenta que os critérios de nomeação utilizados pelos partidos políticos tem influência clara no aumento ou redução das respectivas taxas de sucesso eleitoral, nessa perspectiva, aqui é demonstrado o resultado eleitoral dos partidos no estado de São Paulo no pós-redemocratização. Por fim, em um estudo de caso local, são demonstrados os critérios de nomeação utilizados por prefeitos de partidos cujos campos programáticos e ideológicos são distintos.

Este artículo describe y analiza los procesos de cambio en la políticadel distrito de San Marcos (Huari, Ancash) asociados con lallegada del canon minero —fracción del impuesto a renta pagadopor Antamina— que incrementó súbita y espectacularmente las arcasmunicipales de modo que San Marcos es hoy uno de los distritos másricos del Perú. El texto analiza estos cambios prestando atención alas elecciones municipales de 2006 y a la implementación del PlanPiloto de Mantenimiento de la Infraestructura Pública, que consisteen un programa de empleo temporal. Este último es clave para unanovedosa alianza entre el municipio y los sectores rurales, en particularel llamado Cono Sur, tradicionalmente ausente como actorpolítico importante en el distrito. La política distrital ha dejado deestar dominada por la pugna entre las dos facciones de familias exhacendadas para articularse en una oposición entre los caseríosrurales y el pueblo de San Marcos. La política local ha pasado degirar en torno a Antamina hacia acusaciones, debates y pugnasalrededor de la administración municipal del canon minero. No obstante,las comunidades campesinas que tienen una relación directa con Antamina continúan siendo actores políticos independientes delmunicipio y tienen un peso importante en el distrito. / This paper describes and analyses the changes in local politicstaken place in the district of San Marcos (Huari, Ancash) associatedwith the arrival of the Canon Minero – a fraction of taxes paid byAntamina mining company to the Peruvian State. Canon Minero hasincreased sudden and spectacularly the municipality’s funds so muchthat currently San Marcos in «ones of the Peruvian richest districts».The paper pays attention to the municipal elections of 2006 and theimplementation of the Plan Piloto de Mantenimiento de la InfraestructuraPública, a program of temporary work for all San Marcos’citizens. The latter was key for launching a novel alliance betweenthe municipality and the rural population, particularly with the ConoSur composed by hamlets which were traditionally unimportantactors in district politics. Hence, district politics had stopped to bedominated by the struggle between two factions of former landlordfamilies and had become articulated by the opposition between therural hamlets and the town of San Marcos with the emergence ofethnic political claims. Also, local politics ceased to revolve aroundAntamina and has become entangled with struggles over the administrationof Canon Minero. Rural communities which have directnegotiations with Antamina remain important political actors whichare independent from the municipality and are even oppose to it.

The main purpose of this essay was to study whether niche parties that were represented in municipal councils in Sweden during the 2007-2010 term of office were politically relevant. Furthermore, factors that might facilitate political relevance for niche parties were studied. Political relevance was studied using two theoretical perspectives. The objective model of political relevance presents four categories of relevance based on the relations between political parties in a political assembly; governing parties, coalition parties, blackmail parties and isolated parties. The subjective model of political relevance relies on the party representatives’ own judgments of the relevance of their parties. To study objective and subjective political relevance, party representatives were interviewed. The results showed that seven out of eight niche parties were politically relevant according to the objective model, and six out of eight niche parties were relevant according to the subjective model. For the study of possible facilitating factors, a comparative table was formed using statistics and official data. Percentage of seats and type of majority coalition seemed to affect the possibilities for niche parties to become governing parties. A large percentage of seats and being represented on the municipal executive board and committees seemed to facilitate subjective political relevance.

The aim of this diploma thesis Transforming of Executive Coalitions in Prague in the Electoral Period 2010 - 2014 is to analyze influences, which have an important role in a process of establishing executive coalitions and also in their stability. The analysis is based on a classical theory of coalitions, discursive analysis, interviews with direct participants and on official documents. One of the aims is to describe the level of possibility in application of theoretical concepts of coalition theory in the area of Prague's political system. There are many points of view, from which we look at stability and forming of coalitions. For example, very important point of view is an influence of making and implementing politics or an influence of politicians from national level. A big importance is focused on negotiating between participants, their statements in media and their real steps and decisions. The intention of this thesis is not an invention of general model which should be applied on similar local system, but to explain and describe the uniqueness of Prague local system and the election period of 2010 - 2014.

The thesis deals with the implementation of the Local Agenda 21 (LA21) method in the Czech Republic and the possible real change of municipal policy as a result of this method. The author chose four case studies for his research (Prague, Prague 10 city district, Prague 14 city district, Chrudim city) selected by the so-called "most different system design" method, ie successful municipalities on the one hand and unsuccessful on the other. In addition to this dichotomy, the author adds a perspective of different types of municipal system: city vs. city district. The methodology of the thesis is based on two pillars - content analysis of strategic documents and the current outputs of the individual municipal offices, and semi-structured interviews conducted by the author, which clearly shows that the LA21 method is a strongly political subject, depending on the current level of political support, which fundamentally influences whether or not real change of the municipal policy towards sustainable development at local level. The paper also directly identifies some of the institutional shortcomings of the LA21 method as it is set up today by the LA21 Working Group of the Government Council for Sustainable Development based on the principles of the United Nations global initiative from 1992. At the same...

Post-socialist states are often linked to low political participation and weak civil society. Simultaneously, there is a visible rise in the phenomenon of urban movements. They serve not only as a platform for mobilization of citizens but also as a platform that builds a bridge between politics and society. Therefore, there is a need to study this phenomenon as an intriguing opportunity for research into the relationship between the civil and political sphere on a local level. The goal of this thesis is to show how city activists look at the civil and political spheres in comparison to the definition offered by theoretical conceptualizations. Research has demonstrated a transition in spheres, where activities are indicated as nonpolitical by activists. These findings are not supported by the presented theory which considers them political, and therefore, this study suggests that the boundaries of the spheres are shifted. Moreover, activists constantly engage in both spheres and therefore enter local politics through their activity. They prefer conventional methods to political actions, which they are not estranged to, but they do not frame them as political.

This thesis further analyses the question of political representation of ethnic minorities. Its main theoretical framework is created by theory of cleavages by S. Rokkan and S.M. Lipset, which describes conflict lines within the society and its influence on the party system. Further on, different definitions and approaches to the topic of ethnic identity, ethnic conflict and and ethnic and regional parties are introduced. Second part of this thesis is composed of four case studies of selected European cities with relevant ethnic minorities. These are Leicester in United Kingdom, Espoo in Finland, German Frankfurt am Main and Romanian Cluj-Napoca. These cases are firstly analyzed by context of political representation of ethnic minorities. That is in the first place the share and nature of minority population and in the second place attributes of local political systems within both horizontal and vertical dimension. Factors with direct impact on political representation of ethnic minorities like electoral system, election right and any other special measures are analyzed further on.

The diploma thesis deals with the issue of forced administration in municipalities in Slovakia. The aim of the diploma thesis is to analyze the municipal policy of Slovak municipalities in forced administration. The theoretical part defines the terms related to the issue. The analysis and research in the practical part of the thesis aimes to point out the state of municipal policy of municipalities that were or are currently under compulsory administration, as well as the state of the institution of compulsory administration of municipalities in Slovakia and outline the necessary changes. In a comparative multi-case study, the features of municipalities at the time of economic collapse and the introduction of forced administration were identified and specified. It was found out how the forced administration in selected Slovak municipalities affected municipal elections, candidacy, turnout and local democracy. For the data collection, substantial interviews were conducted with representatives of municipalities whose municipality is currently under compulsory administration and with representatives of municipalities of former forced administration. Keywords: financing of municipalities, local politics, municipal elections, local democracy, forced administration, political impacts, Slovak...

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