This diploma thesis focuses on the participation of the Vietnamese national minority in the Czech Republic, especially at the level of local politics. The main objective of the thesis is to analyze and critically reflect on the motivations, attitudes, and views of the Vietnamese national minority on political and civic participation with an emphasis the local politics. At the same time, the work explores the forms of participation of the Vietnamese community and the factors that influence them. Because the target group of this work is a Vietnamese national minority, the national minority policy is first analyzed at the international level, followed by analysis at the national level. The reason for this approach is that the international environment plays a vital role in examining national minority politics and ethnic minorities. Selected instruments and institutions of national minority politics in the Czech environment are then further analyzed and compared with the German counterpart where minorities, and in particular the Vietnamese minority, have long been a significant part of society. The research part of the thesis is designed as qualitative research, using document analysis and semi- structured interviews as data acquisition techniques. This is a key part of the whole work where the...

Although the representation of women in terms of the Czech local politics is higher than on regional and state level, still their total number does not reach the participation of men by far. In addition, women are more present on lower decision-making positions of local politics. It is possible to say that women are disadvantaged by the current political and social environment. The qualitative research used in the present paper focuses itself on the reflections of male and female politicians regarding their participation in local politics, whereas their consensus and differences in opinions are monitored especially in regards to such topics as mandatory gender quotas, position of men and women in the local politics, discrimination, and distribution of political agenda as per gender. It has been demonstrated that "the second shift" is the most important factor in the eyes of both male and female politicians, making the involvement of women in the local politics much more difficult. Stereotyped statements of politicians of both genders illustrate the image of the local politics as a significantly male dominated enviroment, where a woman can prove herself only after winning the imaginary battle with the whole system (and after overcoming the intra-party barriers) and for the price of a demanding...

The aim of the thesis is to analyse and assess discussions related to the implementation of the direct election of mayors, both in the Czech Republic and in selected European countries. The thesis compares the evolution and course of the discussions that precede the anchoring of direct election of mayors in five European countries, such as the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, the Federal Republic of Germany, Italy, Croatia, and Belgium-Walloon. It is particularly focused on the central motives leading towards the launch of discussion, main arguments included in the discussion, key actors, and the levels of the discussion. The crucial part of the thesis is devoted to the analysis of the discussion of possible implementation of directly elected mayors in the Czech Republic. The emphasis is put on the identification of individual platforms of the Czech political scene that intervene into the discussion. The thesis also highlights the attitude of key political parties, interest groups, and mayors, towards the question of the direct election. The Ministry of the Interior of the Czech Republic represents the principal mediator of the ongoing discussion. The thesis targets to answer the following questions. At which platforms the discussion about the eventual implementation of direct...

This study deals with the typologies and the development of municipal orders in Europe. The theoretical basis of the work is important typologies of individual authors dealing with municipal orders of different countries. These typologies are exploring mostly European countries and looking for similarities across municipal systems of individual countries on the basis of some criteria and in relations between central and local levels and through relations between the institutions of local government with each other. Ten chosen European countries which are used in the typologies form empirical part of work. Countries are studied based on criterion development of municipal structures, especially in terms of amalgamation of municipalities and based on the criterion of executive models, especially in terms of direct election of mayors. For each country is studied the development and present situation of these criteria on the basis of which are determined the aims of this study. It is about finding out topicality of typologies and their comparison with the time of their origin to the present state of municipal orders of individual countries. Another aim is points to trends in local politics and gives an indication of possible future trends in terms of municipal orders in Europe.

The thesis, Financing of Small Municipalities in the Czech Republic and its Political Impact, reflects a complex topic currently noticeable in the Czech Republic: the existence of critically indebted small municipalities. According to the yearly monitoring provided by the Ministry of Finance, the number of ill-financed communities is increasing. Due to their financial situation, a considerable number of small municipalities are forced to suspend many of the services provided to the residents, even though the legislation in effect guarantees equal competences for both small and big municipalities. In the case of indebted small municipalities, the difficulties are even multiplied. Often, the municipality is forced to abandon the prospect of further development and mere survival is in question. In the above- described communities, the participation in municipal politics tends to be significantly low and the residents express overall disinterest in public affairs. The aim of this work is to present three examples of highly indebted small municipalities with the number of citizens under 500 and to provide a detailed analysis on their situation. The analysed municipalities are the following: Bublava, Nebanice and Prameny and are situated in the Karlovy Vary Region. Inasmuch as the character of the topic...

長期以來，因為「九七回歸」、「一國兩制」等因素，台灣對香港的政治研究，多半將關注的焦點放在上層的政治制度，如行政長官（特首）、立法會的選舉和職能，亦或是政治民主化的討論。本文認為，一個地方的基層政治，如何的發展？具有什麼樣的成長過程？才是影響其政治文化產出的基礎。因此，本文以Lefebvre、Soja的空間理論、後殖民學者Chatterjee的政治社會理論，做為進入香港基層政治田野中的認識論基礎；透過歷史和社會學新制度主義的途徑，以區議會和區議員做為研究標的，來瞭解現今香港基層政治的面貌與對於香港政治文化發展的意義。 / 研究結果發現，香港雖然經歷了1997年的「解殖」，但因為來自《基本法》和「主權」的制約因素，所以基層政治制度發展仍然無法脫離過去殖民時期的脈絡。區議會擁有在最多數直選代表的組織，仍是被「吸納」、「鎖進」特區政府的地方行政管治主導架構當中，讓區議會只能發揮它代表基層民意接受來自特區政府的「諮詢」，而無法在制度上發揮充份制衡或影響行政權的能力。這符合了「政治社會」對於後殖民時期下的政治制度與底層人民參與之間距離的解釋。此外也發現，1997年之後來自於中國的新移民，在漸漸取得香港選舉的投票資格之後，也將開始影響未來香港的選舉和政治發展。 / 雖然香港的民主派持續地將民主制度、普選制度，放在香港政治發展過程中，作為一個很重要的追求目標。但是從回顧過去歷史的發展，到現在香港基層代議政治運作，以及未來發展的模式來看；代議民主、地方自治的那種「自主性」，並不是香港基層政治制度演變的重心。而基層民意代表組織對於民眾的意義，也集中在於提供類似「社會服務」的功能。即便所謂擴大區議會職能的改革計劃，也是包括在「地方行政」的思維中來推行，區議會仍然是輔助「行政權」的「委託」組織，而不是有能力和行政權並行的「自治組織」。如此，這就是本文所言，在民眾、區議會和區議員對於地方代議組織，角色認知的「異化」。毫無疑問地，這樣的「異化」，對於如民主派想建構的「民主政治制度」是有不小的落差。甚至最後就有可能將解殖後的香港政制，不斷地鎖回到殖民時期的風貌上。而這究竟是集體政治文化的選擇？亦或是主權者有意識的操作？不可否認的，本文認為，這兩種特性都存在於現在香港的基層政治文化當中。區議員的價值和地位，因為角色認知的「異化」，有可能不會更加弱化，但暫時似乎也找不到往地方自治方向再提升的動力了。脫離了殖民統治之後，香港市民應該有更多的正當性可以藉由選舉投票、公民集體運動來展現他們的聲音；香港未來的政治文化會往哪個方向走，現在的基層政治將會是塑造的起點。 / For a long terms, due to factors such as ”Handover in 1997”, ”One Country Two Systems”, Taiwan’s political research on Hong Kong is usually focused on the political system on the upper layer, for example, the administrative officer (Chief Executive of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region), the election and function of Legislative Council, or the discussion on political democracy. In this article, it was thought that how the Local Politics is developed, what kind of growth process it has is the basis to affect the political and cultural output. Therefore, in this article, the Space Theory of Lefebvre, Soja, the Political Society theory of Post-colonialism Chatterjee is used as the basis to enter the rural epistemology of the Local Politics of Hong Kong; through the path of historical and social new system principle, District Council and District Councilor are used as research targets to understand the meaning of the current Hong’s face of Local Politics on the political and cultural development of Hong Kong. / It is found from the research result that although Hong Kong has passed through the ”de-colonialism” in 1997, yet because of the limiting factors from “Basic Law” and ” sovereignty”, its development in Local Politics system still can not escape from the past path of colonial period. District Council is an organization that owns the largest number of directly elected representatives, yet it is still ”absorbed”, ”locked into” the main structure the local administrative government of the Special Region Government; therefore, District Council can only exploit its function to represent the people’s opinions to accept the ”consultation” from the Special Region Government, and its capability to fully balance or affect the administrative power in the system can not be exploited. This meets the explanation of the distance between the political system and the participation of the people in the bottom layer in the post-colonialism period from ”Political Society”. In addition, it is also found that the new immigrants from Mainland China after 1997, after the gradual acquisition of the election right in the local election of Hong Kong, they start to affect the future election and political development in Hong Kong. / Although the democratic party of Hong Kong continues to put democratic system and general election system into the political development process of Hong Kong to be used as a very important pursuit target, yet if we take a look from a review of the past historical development to the to the basic representative politic operation in modern Hong Kong, as well as future development model, Representative Democracy and “autonomy” of local self-government is not the evolution center of Local Politics system in Hong Kong. Meanwhile, the meaning of the basic representative organization of the public’s opinion is centered around the supply of the function similar to ”social service”. Even the improvement project for the expansion of the function of District Council is also included in the thinking of ”local administration” for the implementation; District Council is still a “consigned” organization to assist ”the administrative right” but not a ”Self-government organization” that has both power and administrative right. Therefore, this is what is mentioned in this article, this is ”alienation” among the public, District Council and District Councilor on the recognition of the local representative organization and role. No doubt, such ”alienation” has a pretty much gap to the ”Democratic political system” that the democratic party is going to build. It is even possible that the political system of Hong Kong after de-colonial period is continuously locked into the look in the colonial period. But is this the choice of group political culture or the conscious operation of the top level people who owns the power? Undeniably, it is thought in this article that both these characteristics all exist in the current Local Politics culture of current Hong Kong. The value and position of District Councilor, due to the ”alienation” of role recognition, might not be further weakened, but it is temporarily difficult to find power for the enhancement toward the direction of local self-government. After the escape from colonial governing, residents of Hong Kong should have more justification to send out their voices through voting in an election and the civic group movement; where the future politic and culture of Hong Kong is going to head toward, the current Local Politics is going to be a starting point for its final shape.

Ce mémoire revient sur la première tutelle de la Ville de Montréal, imposée par le gouvernement provincial de 1918 à 1921. Pour l’occasion, le Lieutenant-gouverneur du Québec nomme cinq administrateurs afin de gérer les affaires courantes de la municipalité. Peu connu des historiens et du public, cet événement suscite des changements profonds dans les structures politiques et administratives de la Ville qui laissent des empreintes dans la vie quotidienne actuelle des Montréalais. Puisqu’ils ne sont pas redevables devant la population, les commissaires mettent en œuvre plusieurs réformes souvent impopulaires qui permettent de rétablir l’équilibre budgétaire de la Ville. Au passage, ils tentent de moderniser l’administration municipale dont le fonctionnement est jusque-là incompatible avec les réalités d’une population grandissante et d’un espace urbain accru par les nombreuses annexions. Notre étude souligne les réformes implantées par la Commission administrative au niveau de la fiscalité, de l’organisation des services municipaux et des politiques d'urbanisme. Elles s’inspirent de réformes mises en œuvre dans plusieurs villes nord-américaines de grande taille. Durant leur mandat, les nouveaux administrateurs cherchent à imposer un modèle d’administration s’inspirant de grandes entreprises privées et réussissent à réduire de manière substantielle le déficit de la Ville. Enfin, une attention particulière est accordée à la fin du mandat de la Commission administrative et au régime administratif qui lui fait suite. / This thesis is related to the first supervision of the City of Montreal enforced by the Provincial government from 1918 to 1921. The City was put under the strict control of five overseers appointed by the Quebec Lieutenant Governor. Few historians analyzed the Administrative Commission and it is largely unknown by the public even if it brought up profound changes in the political and administrative structures of the City. Since the overseers were not accountable to the people, they implemented unpopular reforms in order to balance city budget. At the same time, they took advantage of their power to modernize the administration since it was becoming incompatible with the needs of a growing population that requires all kinds of public services. Four chapters highlight the improvements raised by the Administrative Commission from three perspectives: taxation, organization of municipal services and public by-laws. The City of Montreal is stimulated by administrative reforms carried out in American cities at the same time. In order to reduce the deficit they tried to dictate a management model based on large private companies. Particular attention is given to the transition between the Administrative Commission and the new regime of the Executive Committee that followed.

Représentant entre 10 et 12 millions d’individus en Europe, les Roms sont confrontés à des discriminations et à l’exclusion sociale. 40% des Européens refusent d’avoir des Roms comme voisins, alors que 70% de ceux-ci n’entretiennent même pas de contact direct avec eux dans leur vie. Face à la problématique qu’offrent ces statistiques, cette étude entend observer les mécanismes de construction des attitudes envers les Roms. Je propose d’analyser la production de ces attitudes au sein de deux milieux similaires, mais où les politiques d’intégration locales envers les Roms divergent, rendant ainsi les conditions des contacts intergroupes différent. Cette analyse part des postulats scientifiques selon lesquels l’intégration des migrants est un enjeu d’action publique locale, et que les interactions sociales de qualité structurent les attitudes des uns par rapport aux autres. Ainsi, à partir d’entrevues semi-dirigées réalisées dans les communes françaises de La Courneuve et d’Ivry-sur-Seine, je teste de manière empirique quatre théories dominantes dans le domaine des relations intergroupes: la théorie du contact, l’effet halo, l’impact des politiques locales d’intégration des immigrants et l’influence des médias. / Representing between 10 and 12 million individuals in Europe, the Roma population faces discrimination and social exclusion. 40% of Europeans refuse to have Roma as their neighbors, while 70% of them do not even have direct contact with them in their lives. Based on these observations, this study analyses how attitudes towards Roma are constructed. I propose to investigate this mechanism in two similar environments, but where local integration policies towards Roma diverge, making the conditions of intergroup contact differ. The analysis is premised on two scientific assumptions: that the integration of migrants is a local public policy issue; and that intergroup contact structures attitudes between majority and minority cultures. Thus, from semi-structured interviews in the French communes of La Courneuve and Ivry-sur-Seine, I empirically test four dominant theories in the field of intergroup relations: contact theory, the halo effect, the impact of local immigrants integration policies, and media influence.

The theme of my diploma thesis is Development Activities of Town of Lomnice nad Lužnicí. The main gain of my thesis is to evaluate activities of the selected period and to elaborate the development activities for the future according the variability of financial resources. I choose the period between 2011- 2018. Conclusions of this diploma thesis can also serve the current management of the town. It could provide them with an overview of the town´s economics situation and its development.

Made available in DSpace on 2015-03-05T17:20:09Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 19 / Nenhuma / O presente trabalho busca investigar as múltiplas teorias e manifestações do fenômeno contemporâneo da “judicialização da política”, o qual será enfocado em sua apreensão teórica mais importante: como manifestação do exercício do controle judicial de constitucionalidade das leis. Para tanto, a “judicialização da política” será analisada em três dimensões distintas: a institucional, na qual serão descritas as condições, causas e arranjos institucionais necessários para que a política seja judicializada; a social, na qual serão analisados os diversos usos sociais dos sistemas de controle de constitucionalidade pelos atores sociais; a normativa, em que serão estudados os conteúdos jurídico-dogmáticos que o controle de constitucionalidade envolve, e como estes podem moldar o processo de judicialização. Por fim, será explorado um aspecto ainda pouco pesquisado do fenômeno – a “judicialização da política” em âmbito local –, com a apresentação de um estudo sob o caso de Porto Alegre/RS, a partir da análise das ações / The present paper seeks to investigate the multiple theories and manifestations of the contemporary phenomenon of the "judicialization of politics," which will be focused in its most important theoretical apprehension: as a manifestation of the exercise of judicial control of constitutionality of laws. For this, the "judicialization of politics" will be analysed in three different dimensions: the institutional one, in which the necessary conditions, causes and institutional arrangements will be described so that policy is judicialized; the social one, in which the several social uses of systems of control of constitutionality by the social actors will be analysed; the normative one, where the legal-dogmatic contents that involves the control of constitutionality will be studied, and how they can shape the process of judicialization. Finally, a aspect still little researched of the phenomenon will be explored - the "judicialization of politics" in the local scope - with the presentation of a study under the ca