Stories about the civility through which diverse peoples have come to live peaceably in cities such as Vancouver are being used to launch Canada into the global urban future. The freedom promised by respect for privacy, mobilizing action for change, constructing our environments ethically, and improving our lots tends to be presumed as good. No need for politics, just planning. Mainstream, progressive, activist, and entrepreneurial focus on planning civil cities tends, however, to make the places where we live, places like Bridgeview BC – a neighbourhood on the fringes of Vancouver – invisible. In a sense, this dissertation is an extended set of reading notes to a case study based on archival research and fieldwork that is presented in an Appendix entitled Invisible Bridgeview. It shows what of the case study is highlighted when we take what I call the “civil city myth” seriously. Each chapter: (1) explicates an influential iteration of that myth (as articulated by Jane Jacobs, James C. Scott, and Le Corbusier) and shows how it positions Bridgeview (as backwards, on the margins of society, as a local site of global struggles, and as economically dependent); (2) illustrates a civil city myth at work (dumping on, mobilizing, ‘educating,’ and exploiting Bridgeview); and (3) taking our urban romanticism seriously, undoes a key distinction shoring up the civil/barbaric one, thereby rendering a civil city myth as an urban myth (that highlights Bridgeviewers’ capacity to negotiate conflict and self-govern, practical knowledge and commitments, kinship-based cultural movements, and ruralesque urban way of living). Thus the thrust of this analysis is from planning civil cities to engaging in urban politics – including struggles over basic infrastructure, community development, activism, and entrepreneurialism. Generous as it might seem to recognize Bridgeview (among all other places) as urban, it dismisses residents’ own sense of the place as “a small town in the big city.” So while taking the urban mythology as a point of reference, this dissertation concludes by crafting a mythology of intimate sub-urban politics – of gangs, affects, unintentional interventions, and squatting together. Seeking justice here, we are responsible in and to our relations, after all. / Graduate / 2015-04-23 / 0615 / 0999

Orientador: Claudinei Magno Magre Mendes / Banca: Clodoaldo Bueno / Banca: Áureo Busetto / Banca: Lupércio Antônio Pereira / Banca: Maria Lúcia Bertachini Nosella / Resumo: O presente trabalho estuda um período da história político-partidária e eleitoral (1966-1982) brasileira, percorrendo os níveis nacional, estadual e local, com ênfase neste último. Com a chegada dos militares ao poder em 1964 e a extinção dos partidos políticos em 1965, inicia-se um novo sistema denominado bipartidarismo, que se estende até 1982. Diante da dependência partidária e eleitoral da legislação federal, os Estados e municípios se adaptaram, porém conservando suas diferenças regionais. As lideranças políticas paranaenses se articularam diante do novo jogo político e fortaleceram o partido do governo, em contraste com uma oposição decepada e fragilizada. Em nível local, embora receba a interferência da política nacional e estadual, o quadro caracteriza-se acentuadamente por contornos próprios, revelando a disputa de pessoas e grupos de interesses pelo poder local. A baixa institucionalização partidária e a volatilidade são fatores que fortalecem o individualismo na política, e o eleitor, sem referências partidárias consolidadas, até por interesses pessoais e por estar próximo dos candidatos, valoriza o personalismo. O trabalho analisa o desempenho e evolução da ARENA/PDS e do MDB/PMDB, através dos resultados eleitorais, colocando em destaque a representação da política no município de Maringá. / Abstract: An analysis, at the national, state and local levels, with special emphasis to the latter, on the 1966-1982 history of party and election politics in Brazil is provided. A new bi-party system was introduced in Brazil on the arrival to power of the armed forces in 1964 and on the extinction of political parties in 1965, through 1982. Although states and counties adapted themselves to the party and electoral dependence on federal laws, they preserved their regional differences. The political leaderships of the state of Paraná organized themselves in the wake of the new political rules and strengthened the government's party. This cannot be said of the opposition, which remained fragmented and split. Although the local situation was influenced by the national and state politics, its features had special nuances that revealed the struggle of individuals and groups for local political power. Low party institutions and volatility were the chief factors that gave rise to political individualism, while the voter rated personal cult excessively. This was due to the lack of consolidated party references, invested interests and close dealing with candidates. Research investigated the performance and evolution of ARENA/PDS and MDB/PMDB through their election results, whereas the political representation in the municipality of Maringá was enhanced. / Doutor

This thesis examines the changes and continuities in local politics in the city of Paripiranga (BA). The database was established from documentary and statistical survey, interviews and participant observation. The survey found that the power of command in the city has changed over time with a view to the progressive cooling of the oligarchic structure and the traditional type of relations. With the process of democratization and the subsequent political changes the old factions fragmented, new characters and new forms of political mediation emerged into existence a better balance between institutions and political elites. However, the political culture still maintains many of its old brands, which is more evident in the municipal elections, while still occurs the clash between two political poles (the opposition and the situation) based on various forms of election as grooming, for example, the "vote buying" and the use of physical violence. Thus, the thesis concludes that the socioeconomic and political-institutional changes that occurred in Brazil and Bahia in recent decades have caused cracks in the local despotism and become more complex and multifaceted policy, even in small hinterland municipalities. However, in these contexts, which have a history of oligarchic domination and predominance of social relations of traditional type, these changes are adjusted and re-signified by setting up a process with changes and continuities. / Esta tese examina as mudanças e continuidades na política local no município de Paripiranga (BA). A base de dados foi constituída a partir de levantamento documental e estatístico, realização de entrevistas e observação participante. A pesquisa constatou que o poder de mando no município se modificou ao longo do tempo tendo em vista o progressivo arrefecimento da estrutura oligárquica e das relações de tipo tradicional. Com o processo de redemocratização e as mudanças políticas subsequentes as antigas facções se fragmentaram, novos personagens e novas formas de mediação política emergiram e passou a existir um maior equilíbrio entre instituições e elites políticas. No entanto, a cultura política ainda mantem muitas de suas antigas marcas, o que fica mais evidente nas eleições municipais, quando ainda ocorre o confronto entre dois polos políticos (o da oposição e o da situação) baseado em várias formas de aliciamento eleitoral como, por exemplo, a compra de votos e o emprego da violência física. Assim, a tese conclui que as transformações socioeconômicas e político-institucionais que ocorreram no Brasil e na Bahia nas últimas décadas têm provocado fissuras no mandonismo local e tornado a política mais complexa e multifacetada, mesmo nos pequenos municípios sertanejos. Todavia, nestes contextos, que têm histórico de dominação oligárquica e de predominância de relações sociais de tipo tradicional, essas transformações são ajustadas e ressignificadas, configurando um processo com mudanças e continuidades.

Submitted by isabela.moljf@hotmail.com (isabela.moljf@hotmail.com) on 2017-07-25T11:57:56Z No. of bitstreams: 1 naraoliveirasalles.pdf: 2596913 bytes, checksum: fefd345e52f5bb2ca56fe143206fde5c (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br) on 2017-08-08T19:04:30Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 naraoliveirasalles.pdf: 2596913 bytes, checksum: fefd345e52f5bb2ca56fe143206fde5c (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-08-08T19:04:30Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 naraoliveirasalles.pdf: 2596913 bytes, checksum: fefd345e52f5bb2ca56fe143206fde5c (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-02-25 / CAPES - Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Diante da polarização das eleições presidenciais, protagonizada pelo Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT) e pelo Partido da Social Democracia Brasileira (PSDB) desde 1994, este estudo se propõe a investigar se e em que medida tal clivagem se reproduz nos municípios, estruturando percepções e identidades dos eleitores. Este tema remete a diferentes campos da Ciência Política, como os de partidos e sistemas partidários e comportamento político. A literatura, através de autores como Michels (1982), Kirchheimer (1966) e Katz e Mair (1995), aponta as transformações vividas pelos partidos políticos nas democracias contemporâneas, ressaltando o progressivo distanciamento entre as agremiações e as bases sociais, além da desideologização de seus discursos e ações. Tais mudanças dialogariam com características inerentes ao sistema partidário brasileiro que contribuem, para Lamounier (1992) e Kinzo (1993), para a intensa fragmentação, a alta volatilidade e acentuado regionalismo das disputas. Nesse sentido, umas das consequências seria a desarticulação entre as arenas competitivas, favorecendo a existência da racionalidade política contextual nos municípios, como descreve Lima Júnior (1983). O conjunto desses fatores dificultaria o estabelecimento de vínculos entre o eleitorado e os partidos, segundo Mair (1997), uma vez que eles dependeriam da estabilidade entre as atuações das siglas e de maior enraizamento dos partidos. Contudo, Veiga (2007) e Ribeiro, Carreirão e Borba (2011) indicam que as preferências e as identidades partidárias no Brasil, apesar de reduzidas, não são desprezíveis. A literatura sobre socialização política, por sua vez, aponta fatores determinantes para a constituição de tais laços, como os aspectos socioeconômicos, afetivos e racionais. Assim, interessa descobrir como os eleitores estruturam suas percepções perante um cenário em que há um consolidado bipartidarismo nacional, (des)alinhamentos na esfera local e crescente distanciamento entre indivíduos e organizações partidárias. A hipótese é a de que a reprodução da polarização PT-PSDB nos municípios não se estabelece de maneira automática e homogênea, sendo mediada por atributos dos arranjos locais. Assim, espera-se maior rivalidade entre o eleitorado que se encontra em localidades cuja competição se alinha à nacional do que nos municípios em que PT e PSDB estabelecem alianças. Para verificar tal hipótese, desenvolveu-se uma primeira etapa de investigação, que buscou categorizar os municípios de pequeno e médio porte do estado de Minas Gerais, entre o período de 2000 a 2012, de acordo com as seguintes variáveis: comportamento do PT e do PSDB nas eleições majoritárias, desempenho eleitoral de ambos os partidos, organização partidária local e número de filiados no município. Essa análise permitiu selecionar um caso de aliança plena entre os partidos e outro de polarização alta, onde foram realizados três grupos focais com eleitores neutros, simpatizantes e filiados. Os dados coletados permitiram elaborar duas considerações principais: (1) por mais que a clivagem PT-PSDB se reproduza no nível local, ela é mediada por atributos do arranjo político municipal; (2) a aliança local entre PT e PSDB não garante a inexistência de outro tipo de fragmentação e rivalidade e nem implica na incapacidade de os eleitores elaborarem distinções entre os partidos. Nesse sentido, sugere-se a ideia de polarização contextualizada para compreender tal configuração. / In the face of the presidential elections’ polarization, led by the Workers’ Party (PT, in Portuguese) and the Party of Brazilian Social Democracy (PSDB, in Portuguese) since 1994, the purpose of this research is investigate if and how this cleavage reproduce itself in the cities, arranging the voters’ perceptions and identities. This topic refers to different Political Science’s fields, as the parties and the parties system and the political behavior. The literature, through authors like Michels (1982), Kirchheimer (1966) and Katz and Mair (1995), points the parties’ changes in the nowadays democracies. They emphasize the growing distance between the voters and the parties, beyond the ideology’s reduction in their speeches and actions. These changes are associated to the inherent features of the Brazilian party system that could contribute, to Lamounier (1992) and Kinzo (1993), to the intensive fragmentation, high volatility and strong regionalism in the competitions. Therefore, the disarticulation among the arenas would be one of the consequences of this conjuncture, confirming the concept of contextual political rationality, elaborated by Lima Junior (1983). All these factors would raise difficulties to bond the voters and the parties, according to Mair (1997), because it would depend on the stability between the parties’ actions and their rooting. However, Veiga (2007) and Ribeiro, Carreirão and Borba (2011) show that, despite the low preferences and identities among the voters in Brazil, the rates are not insignificant. The political socialization’s literature, on its turns, indicates determinant factors to this relationship, as the socioeconomics, emotional and rational elements. So, this study intends to understand how the voters organize their perceptions in front of a national bipartisan conjuncture, but with a local (mis)alignment and a growing distance between the voters and the parties. The hypothesis suggests the reproduction of the PT-PSDB’s polarization in the cities is not automatic and homogeneous, but it is mediated by the local arrangement components. Thus, a stronger competition among the voters is expected at the cities where the conjuncture follows the national pattern than at the cities where PT and PSDB are allies. A categorizing and quantitative research was developed to test this hypothesis. In this moment, the small and medium-size cities from Minas Gerais were classified according to the following variables for 2000-2012 period of time: PT and PSDB’ behaviour in the majoritarian elections, their electoral results, local party’s organization and affiliate’s number. This analysis allowed select an entire alliance between the parties and a case of high polarization, where three focal groups were realized with neuters, sympathizers and affiliate voters. The collected data enabled to elaborate two main considerations: (1) even if the PT-PSDB’s cleavage reproduces itself in the cities, it is mediated by local factors; (2) the local alliance between PT and PSDB does not assure the absence of other fragmentation and antagonism and it neither implies that the voters not be able to distinguish these parties. Therefore, this study suggests thinking this conjuncture by the idea of the contextualized polarization.

Le gouverneur japonais (chiji) est l’exécutif en chef du département, la plus grande division administrative au Japon. Conçue pendant l'ère Meiji comme l'un des principaux outils du contrôle central sur le Japon local, cette fonction a été radicalement modifiée après l'introduction de l'élection au suffrage universel direct comme nouveau mode de désignation par les forces d’Occupation dans la période de l'après-guerre. A la connexion entre le niveau national et local, et légitimé par le suffrage populaire, le gouverneur est doté de larges pouvoirs dans le système de gouvernement local japonais. Ces conditions ont permis de renforcer le leadership politique d’un gouverneur muni d'une forte autorité sur le département, tout en étant en contact direct avec le gouvernement central, en tant qu’exécutif en chef de la plus haute division locale du Japon. De nombreuses caractéristiques de la fonction (le succès électoral des bureaucrates et la relation particulière avec les partis politiques notamment) sont toutefois les résultats d’un phénomène de « dépendance au sentier » (path-dependence), peu à peu remodelées sous l’effet des frictions produites par les réformes décentralisatrices de la période de l'Occupation dans un cadre encore largement centralisateur.Sur la base de travaux de recherche à la fois quantitatifs et qualitatifs, cette étude analyse la transformation de la fonction de gouverneur au cours de l'après-guerre d'une position bureaucratique à une charge politique, ses évolutions et les conséquences de celles-ci sur la politique japonaise au niveau local et national. / The Japanese governor (chiji) is the executive head of the prefecture, the largest administrative division in Japan. Conceived during the Meiji as one of the main tools of the central control on local Japan, this position was been radically modified after the introduction of direct election by the Allied Occupation authority in the post-war period. At the connection between the national and local level, and legitimized by public election, the governor is endowed with substantial powers in the Japanese local government system. These conditions have strengthened the capacity of local leadership of the governor provided with a strong authority over the prefecture. Numerous characteristics of the position, the success of bureaucrats and the particular relation with political parties notably, are however path-dependent elements, gradually reshaped by the frictions produced by the reforms of the Occupation period. Based on both quantitative and qualitative research works, this study analyses the transformation of the post-war governorship from a bureaucratic position to a political office, its evolution and its consequences on Japanese politics at both local and national level.

The aim of this study is to examine explanations for why Swedish local political parties are formed. This is done by using a statistical method with a focus on first person explanations, whereas previous research either has focused on third person explanations or conducted small scale studies. Several perspectives and explanations are found in the previous literature, around which a total of seven hypotheses are constructed. To test the hypotheses, a survey is constructed and data is collected from a total of 63 founders, representing 44 of the 62 local parties that received mandates in a municipal council for the first time in either 2014 or 2018. Results indicate that difficulty to influence the established parties, disappointment aimed towards the established parties as well as a lack of attention given to topics perceived as important are all significant factors when making the decision to form a party. Contrary to previous research, factors such as anger and a desire for revenge are not found to affect the decision to form a party. Furthermore, a potential explanation for why the diffusion effects that have been documented in previous research exist, namely rational imitation, finds some support in this study. In conclusion, it is argued that the disparity within the previous research and between previous research and this study, along with theoretical shortcomings in some theoretical explanations, shows that the study of why local political parties emerge is in its infancy and that both theoretical explanations and empirical analyses could use further development.

This thesis focuses on optimization of military estates in the Czech Republic that is connected both to establishment of new municipalities and transition from military administration to local administration. The thesis tries to describe the process itself being finished by setting settlement units aside from military estates, reduction of their borders and dissolution of the Brdy military estate. A case study of the Libavá Town is also a part of the thesis. The study is trying to monitor the impact of the transition mentioned above on civil population and on the newly established local administration. Three methods were used to collect the data - namely half structured interviews with chief participants, a survey amongst Libavá inhabitants and media monitoring. A part of the theoretical part is also an analysis of military estates in Europe whose characteristics and differences are also presented.

The subject of the research is regional housing policy. It is defined as a kind of public policy investigated on the conditions of the selected region. This is a problem that is still very little theoretically elaborated. The theoretical framework (concept) of "housing policy" as a kind ("subset") of public policy ", which has its actors, objectives, content, assumptions and subject orientation, will be elaborated. Then this problem is solved in the case of Rychnov nad Kněžnou. The city has two major problems. Collapsing transport infrastructure and a lack of housing in private or urban property. The problem of shortage of flats is connected with other social problems such as the creation of illegal hostels, overuse of apartments by a large number of people - more waste, insufficient civic amenities. The city leadership would like to address the problem with a new construction but does not have sufficient resources to do so. Construction by private investors is also not jeopardized. By developing a building, the city would like to attract more families and employees' partners who would easily find jobs in various fields. By city dwellings and regulated rent the city would like to restrict illegal hostels. Similarly, it could offer apartments for families with children or start-ups for young people....

The thesis keens on the analysis and development of the party systems in the cities and towns of the Benešov district. The thesis primarily concerns on existence of political parties on the local level, creation of electoral lists and analysis of the electoral list structure. The thesis also concerns on relations between candidates subjects, interactions between them and formation of coalitions.

In this thesis I examine the relationship between party affiliation of the local political leadership and the municipal tax rate in Sweden’s 290 municipalities between 1994 and 2018. The mean tax rate of Swedish municipalities has increased by 1.3 percentage points in that time, while the prevalence of right-wing coalitions – consisting of parties that claim to want a lower tax rate – in leadership also has increased. I therefore examine to what degree right-wing coalitions have contributed to the increase in the mean tax rate compared to left-wing and mixed coalitions. I find that while right-wing coalitions have contributed to the increase in the mean tax rate to a lower degree than other coalitions, the difference is small, and the difference between the contributions of right-wing and left-wing coalitions is not statistically significant. I also examine how right-wing coalitions containing the Green Party and local parties have affected the municipal tax rate compared to coalitions consisting only of traditional right-wing parties. When the Green Party or local parties are part of a right-wing coalition, the mean increase in the municipal tax rate is much lower than that of coalitions consisting only of right-wing parties. Lastly I examine how the amount of parties that are part of a local right-wing coalition affect the municipal tax rate and find that the fewer parties, the larger the mean tax increase.