A conquista da independência em Moçambique se deu através da luta armada. Iniciada em 1964, foi capitaneada pela Frente de Libertação de Moçambique (FRELIMO), um movimento de 1962 que contou com uma organização feminina, a Liga Feminina de Moçambique (LIFEMO) e, posteriormente, com um Destacamento Feminino (DF) de caráter guerrilheiro. A entrada das mulheres no combate impôs a formulação de políticas específicas sobre emancipação e direitos que, em 1973, passaram a ser centralizadas pela Organização da Mulher Moçambicana. É também neste período que se construiu a figura heróica de Josina Muthemba Machel cuja data de morte, em 7 de abril de 1971, passou a marcar o calendário oficial como o dia da mulher moçambicana. Esta pesquisa propõe identificar e compreender o processo de construção dessa personagem como símbolo do movimento de mulheres, tendo como foco sua trajetória no âmbito de sua atuação com a de outras combatentes e com a FRELIMO. Tem como balizas cronológicas os anos de 1962, de fundação do movimento e de gestação da luta armada que resultou na conquista da independência em 1975, até a década de 1980 quanto teve lugar a Conferência Extraordinária da Organização de Mulheres Moçambicanas e o V Congresso da FRELIMO, quase duas décadas após a morte de Josina. Para tanto, além da pesquisa bibliográfica sobre gênero na África com especial ênfase em Moçambique, foram considerados os dados biográficos de Josina Machel, obras relativas à participação das mulheres na luta de libertação, periódicos da imprensa de Moçambique (Brado Africano, Revista Tempo e a Voz da Revolução) e os documentos da OMM e da FRELIMO (1962 a 1983). / The conquest of the independence in Mozambique took place through an armed struggle. Initiated in 1964, it was led by the Liberation Front of Mozambique (FRELIMO), founded in 1962. The movement had an organization of women, the Women\'s League of Mozambique (LIFEMO) and, later on, a Female Detachment (DF) of guerrilla characteristics. The entry of women imposed a call for emancipation and rights that, in 1973, came to be centralized by the Mozambican Women\'s Organization. At this moment, the heroic figure of Josina Muthemba Machel was created, whose deaths date, on April 7, 1971, became an official landmark for the day of the Mozambican woman. This dissertation focuses in identify and comprehend the construction process of Josina Machel as a heroic symbol of the women\'s movement, concentring on her trajectory in her scope of action with other combatants and also with FRELIMO. The chronological frame considers the years of 1962, when the movement was officially established as well the armed struggle that leads to the independence in 1975, until the 1980s, when the Especial Conference of the Organization of Mozambican Women occurred during the FRELIMO\'s government - almost twenty years after Josina´s death. Besides the bibliographical research on gender in Africa with a special emphasis on Mozambique, the dissertation deals with biographical data of Josina Machel, with the research on women\'s participation in the struggle for independence, also with the press periodicals O Brado Africano, Revista Tempo and A Voz da Revolução and, finally, with the documents of OMM and FRELIMO (1962 to 1983).

Submitted by PPG Hist?ria (historia-pg@pucrs.br) on 2019-03-12T14:21:46Z No. of bitstreams: 1 DISSERTA??O PEDRO BARBOSA - VERS?O FINAL BIBLIOTECA.pdf: 3948101 bytes, checksum: 5d6457822c787103e25ca0037faefdc4 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Sheila Dias (sheila.dias@pucrs.br) on 2019-03-21T11:41:56Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 DISSERTA??O PEDRO BARBOSA - VERS?O FINAL BIBLIOTECA.pdf: 3948101 bytes, checksum: 5d6457822c787103e25ca0037faefdc4 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2019-03-21T11:49:22Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 DISSERTA??O PEDRO BARBOSA - VERS?O FINAL BIBLIOTECA.pdf: 3948101 bytes, checksum: 5d6457822c787103e25ca0037faefdc4 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2019-02-27 / Conselho Nacional de Pesquisa e Desenvolvimento Cient?fico e Tecnol?gico - CNPq / After ten years of war against the Portuguese colonial regime, on 25th June 1975 the decolonization of Mozambique took place, and the Liberation Front of Mozambique (FRELIMO) became the country's only party. Samora Machel, a charismatic man who led the movement at the time, became the first Mozambican president. The policies implemented were in line with a national construction project that sought to spread a "New Man" in the country, which, in contrast to ethnic diversity, get rid of all the traditional and colonial past in favor of moderns and socialists values. Among these policies was the creation of the National Film Institute, which nationalized the whole production, exhibition and distribution of films, so that the film industry came into existence according to the objectives outlined by the party. Among his productions was the newsreel Kuxa Kanema. Between 1978 and 1979, in its first phase, this newsreel constructed a narrative that linked the image of Samora Machel to the construction of socialism in the country and a great "internationalist" cooperation. Already in 1981, in the second phase, when Mozambique was in a big economic crisis, with a civil war of increasing proportions, and realized that the support of the socialist countries was insufficient to deal with the situation, the constructed narrative came to emphasize the nationalist values, the fight against the "undesirables" and the great leadership of Samora Machel. / Ap?s dez anos de guerra contra o regime colonial portugu?s, em 25 de junho de 1975 aconteceu a descoloniza??o de Mo?ambique, e a Frente de Liberta??o de Mo?ambique (FRELIMO) tornou-se partido ?nico do pa?s. Samora Machel, uma figura carism?tica que liderava o movimento ? ?poca, tornou-se ent?o o primeiro presidente mo?ambicano. As pol?ticas implantadas estiveram de acordo com um projeto de constru??o nacional que buscava difundir um ?Homem Novo? no pa?s, que, para al?m da diversidade ?tnica, desvinculava-se de todo o passado tradicional e colonial em favor de valores modernos e socialistas. Entre essas pol?ticas, esteve a cria??o do Instituto Nacional de Cinema (INC), que nacionalizou toda a produ??o, exibi??o e distribui??o de filmes, de modo que a ind?stria cinematogr?fica passou a existir conforme os objetivos tra?ados pelo partido. Entre suas produ??es esteve o cinejornal Kuxa Kanema. Entre 1978 e 1979, em sua primeira fase, esse cinejornal construiu uma narrativa que vinculava a imagem de Samora Machel ? constru??o do socialismo no pa?s e a uma grande coopera??o ?internacionalista?. J? em 1981, na segunda fase, quando Mo?ambique se viu em grande crise econ?mica, com uma guerra civil de propor??es cada vez maiores, e percebeu que o apoio dos pa?ses socialistas era insuficiente para lidar com a situa??o, a narrativa constru?da passou a enfatizar os valores nacionalistas, o combate aos ?indesej?veis? e a grande lideran?a de Samora Machel.

Dissertação (mestrado)—Universidade de Brasília, Instituto de Relações Internacionais, 2015. / Submitted by Guimaraes Jacqueline (jacqueline.guimaraes@bce.unb.br) on 2015-10-23T11:22:06Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2015_LucianaCristinaCampos.pdf: 1060350 bytes, checksum: 68d8ed8323900f6eae56e2fea310f52f (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Patrícia Nunes da Silva(patricia@bce.unb.br) on 2015-12-11T13:28:23Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 2015_LucianaCristinaCampos.pdf: 1060350 bytes, checksum: 68d8ed8323900f6eae56e2fea310f52f (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2015-12-11T13:28:23Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2015_LucianaCristinaCampos.pdf: 1060350 bytes, checksum: 68d8ed8323900f6eae56e2fea310f52f (MD5) / A presente dissertação tem por objetivo analisar as relações político-diplomáticas entre Brasil e Moçambique entre 1975 e 1985, correspondentes aos governos ditatoriais de Ernesto Geisel e João Figueiredo, no Brasil, e de Samora Moisés Machel, de Moçambique. Argumenta-se que o posicionamento e a neutralidade brasileira frente às lutas de libertação africanas na segunda metade do século XX causou em Samora Machel um profundo ressentimento, fator que inicialmente travou a aproximação política entre os Estados. A dissertação partiu da análise das transformações da política externa brasileira para a África para examinar em que medida as relações com Moçambique apareciam no discurso e na prática da diplomacia brasileira. Primeiramente dentro de um projeto maior de reformulação de política externa brasileira para o continente africano, no qual se constitui a aproximação com os países colonizados por Portugal, Brasil e Moçambique. O segundo capítulo tratou da inserção internacional moçambicana e os condicionantes internos e externos que influenciaram nesse processo, bem como o projeto de condução de política externa encetado pela FRELIMO. No terceiro e último capítulo analisou-se como se deu o processo de entendimento político entre Brasil e Moçambique em seu primeiro governo independente, com o desenvolvimento dos projetos de cooperação. Outrossim, é necessário destacar a atuação dos homens de Estado na condução do entendimento político entre as partes, Ítalo Zappa como expoente brasileiro e Joaquim Chissano em Moçambique, além dos chefes de Estado. Da dinâmica interna do período observou-se três fases distintas, mas que se complementam, e que explicam os dez primeiros anos de relações bilaterais: a primeira, de desconfiança e distanciamento relativo, que vai de 1975 a 1977; a segunda, de aproximação, entre 1977 e 1979; e a terceira, mais longa, de entendimento político e cooperação, de 1980 a 1985, fase que se mantém contínua até os dias atuais. ______________________________________________________________________________________________ ABSTRACT / This thesis aims to analyze the political and diplomatic relations between Brazil and Mozambique between 1975 and 1985, corresponding to the dictatorial governments of Ernesto Geisel and Figueiredo, Brazil, and Samora Machel of Mozambique. It is argued that the positioning and the Brazilian forward neutrality to African liberation struggles in the second half of the twentieth century caused Samora Machel a deep resentment, which caught the political rapprochement between states. The first chapter analyses the transformations of Brazilian foreign policy for Africa in order to examine how Mozambique appeared in the discourse and practice of Brazilian diplomacy. The second chapter deals with the Mozambican international integration and how internal and external conditions that influenced this process, as well as the foreign policy of driving project initiated by FRELIMO. The third and final chapter analyzes how was the political understanding between Brazil and Mozambique in its first independent government. Furthermore, it is necessary to highlight the work of statesmen in conducting the political agreement between the parties, Italo Zappa as a Brazilian exponent and Joaquim Chissano of Mozambique. The internal dynamics of the period observed three distinct phases, but complementary, and explain the first ten years of bilateral relations: the first, distrust and relative distance, from 1975 to 1977; the second, approach, between 1977 and 1979; and the third, political understanding and cooperation from 1980 to 1985, phase which remains ongoing to this day.

Submitted by PPG Hist?ria (historia-pg@pucrs.br) on 2018-05-15T13:51:39Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Disserta??o_JuliaMonticeliRocha FINAL.pdf: 3089996 bytes, checksum: 81087a0a48711138dbec7b663c6a3fc9 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Sheila Dias (sheila.dias@pucrs.br) on 2018-05-21T12:53:03Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Disserta??o_JuliaMonticeliRocha FINAL.pdf: 3089996 bytes, checksum: 81087a0a48711138dbec7b663c6a3fc9 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-05-21T13:18:14Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Disserta??o_JuliaMonticeliRocha FINAL.pdf: 3089996 bytes, checksum: 81087a0a48711138dbec7b663c6a3fc9 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-03-20 / Coordena??o de Aperfei?oamento de Pessoal de N?vel Superior - CAPES / This work of research aims to analyse the speeches proffered by Samora Mois?s Machel, revolutionary leader of the Mozambique Liberation Front (FRELIMO) and the first Mozambique president, from 1973 to 1980, within the scope of a political and ideological project that aimed the emancipation of women. Therefore, we contextualize FRELIMO?s first years of formation and the beginning of the anti-colonialist fight which resulted on the establishment of the Frelimo?s government after the independence. After this stage, it was possible to understand the first steps of the project articulated by Frelimo as well as the importance of the creation of the Female Detachment, in 1967, and of the Mozambican Women Organization, in 1973, throughout the speech proffered during the I Mozambican Women Congress. The last analytic stage of the work consists in observing the ambiguities in the speeches proffered within the scope of the political and ideological project development during the Samora Mois?s Machel government. Hereupon, we problematize the differences found in the speeches, from 1973 and after 1976, that when reflecting upon the political situation in which they were proffered, validate the project supporting FRELIMO?s goals about feminine emancipation. / Este trabalho de pesquisa tem como objetivo analisar os discursos proferidos por Samora Mois?s Machel, l?der revolucion?rio da Frente de Liberta??o de Mo?ambique (FRELIMO) e primeiro presidente de Mo?ambique, de 1973 a 1980, no ?mbito da promo??o de um projeto pol?tico e ideol?gico que visava ? emancipa??o da mulher. Para tanto, contextualizam-se os primeiros anos de forma??o da FRELIMO e o in?cio da luta anticolonial, que resultou no estabelecimento do governo da Frelimo ap?s a independ?ncia do pa?s. A partir dessa etapa, ? poss?vel compreender os primeiros passos do projeto formulado pela Frelimo, assim como a import?ncia da cria??o do Destacamento Feminino, em 1976, e da Organiza??o da Mulher Mo?ambicana, em 1973, por meio do discurso proferido durante o I Congresso da Mulher Mo?ambicana. A ?ltima etapa anal?tica do trabalho consiste em observar as ambiguidades nos discursos proferidos no ?mbito do desenvolvimento do projeto pol?tico e ideol?gico durante o governo de Samora Mois?s Machel. Com isso, problematizam-se as diferen?as encontradas nos discursos, de 1973 e ap?s 1976, que, ao refletirem a situa??o pol?tica em que foram proferidos, d?o sentido ao projeto, corroborando com os objetivos da FRELIMO quanto ? emancipa??o feminina.

The Reagan Administration took office in 1981 and began to implement against the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR), what became known as the Reagan Doctrine. The was an effort to break with previous the previous presidential administration’s policies toward the USSR and would involve the rollback of Communism, instead of simply just co-existing with Communism (Détente) or containing the spread of it. Part of the area that was subject to the Reagan Doctrine included the volatile southern African region, which had two Marxist-Leninist Regimes, namely Angola and Mozambique. Using Graham Allison’s bureaucratic political model, this study attempts to answer the question: “Even when all the prerequisites were met, why was there a decision to only implement a modified form of the Reagan Doctrine in Mozambique, instead of a full-blown effort, such as in, for example Angola or Afghanistan?” As will be shown in the research, the Reagan Doctrine was not a written doctrine, but had many different facets, as will be shown. The most significant part of the Reagan Doctrine was the recognition and arming of insurgents who confronted the Soviet backed regimes including RENAMO. There have been claims that the US Government did not recognize RENAMO. This is false as will be shown by the fact that President Reagan urged FRELIMO to negotiate with the RENAMO resistance. The real significance of this is that even if all prerequisites were met, why was there such reluctance to apply the doctrine with the veracity as compared to the effort in Angola and Afghanistan in arming RENAMO. Was the United States Government still trapped in the “Vietnam Syndrome”? Did the Mozambique National Resistance (RENAMO) have the 3 same political and charismatic qualities as the Union for the Total Independence of Angola (UNITA)? Were special interests or lobbyists influencing government bureaucrats to view decisions in a specific way? A significant part of this study is devoted to the question of how much influence did the bureaucracy and the politicians (both appointed and career) had on the important national security decision-making process involving Mozambique. Another question that could be asked is: Was the doctrine indirectly applied through third parties? In 1989 when the Reagan Administration ended, did President Reagan and the Reagan Administration achieve their objectives toward Mozambique. If so, was this due to the Reagan Doctrine or other factors? If not, did any actors or events interfere with the strategy? / Political Sciences / M.A. (International Politics)

The Reagan Administration took office in 1981 and began to implement against the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR), what became known as the Reagan Doctrine. The was an effort to break with previous the previous presidential administration’s policies toward the USSR and would involve the rollback of Communism, instead of simply just co-existing with Communism (Détente) or containing the spread of it. Part of the area that was subject to the Reagan Doctrine included the volatile southern African region, which had two Marxist-Leninist Regimes, namely Angola and Mozambique. Using Graham Allison’s bureaucratic political model, this study attempts to answer the question: “Even when all the prerequisites were met, why was there a decision to only implement a modified form of the Reagan Doctrine in Mozambique, instead of a full-blown effort, such as in, for example Angola or Afghanistan?” As will be shown in the research, the Reagan Doctrine was not a written doctrine, but had many different facets, as will be shown. The most significant part of the Reagan Doctrine was the recognition and arming of insurgents who confronted the Soviet backed regimes including RENAMO. There have been claims that the US Government did not recognize RENAMO. This is false as will be shown by the fact that President Reagan urged FRELIMO to negotiate with the RENAMO resistance. The real significance of this is that even if all prerequisites were met, why was there such reluctance to apply the doctrine with the veracity as compared to the effort in Angola and Afghanistan in arming RENAMO. Was the United States Government still trapped in the “Vietnam Syndrome”? Did the Mozambique National Resistance (RENAMO) have the 3 same political and charismatic qualities as the Union for the Total Independence of Angola (UNITA)? Were special interests or lobbyists influencing government bureaucrats to view decisions in a specific way? A significant part of this study is devoted to the question of how much influence did the bureaucracy and the politicians (both appointed and career) had on the important national security decision-making process involving Mozambique. Another question that could be asked is: Was the doctrine indirectly applied through third parties? In 1989 when the Reagan Administration ended, did President Reagan and the Reagan Administration achieve their objectives toward Mozambique. If so, was this due to the Reagan Doctrine or other factors? If not, did any actors or events interfere with the strategy? / Political Sciences / M.A. (International Politics)