Interoception, the signalling, processing, and perceptual representation of the visceral organs, together with trait impulsivity are in the present study examined using the Novel Controllability task (Mancinelli et al., 2021) as individual factors in coping behavior in response to stress. The coping process is conceptualized using the model of regulatory flexibility developed by Bonanno and Burton (2013). The results based on a sample of 39 healthy adults (M = 23,64 years, 22f/17m) do not support the hypothesis that the combined UPPS-P constructs are significantly related to interoception. For the coping process, the results suggest that: Negative Urgency is related to a negative initial appraisal of the stressor context leading to coping rigidity, by limiting the repertoire of strategies and the dynamic function of feedback; Positive Urgency is related to a larger dependency on emotions to guide decision making, motivating a “trial-and-error” coping approach; Sensation Seeking is related with an opposing style of emotion-focused coping where diminished threat perception and reduced sensitivity towards stimulus valence motivate a risk-taking approach, likely to pursue stimulation; Lack of Premeditation, the only facet of impulsivity convincingly related to interoception, is speculated to be associated with a dysregulation of interoceptive afferents facilitating a “here-and-now” attentional and coping focus. Despite lacking full support, the potential involvement of interoception as an internal stressor is discussed as a mediator in impulsive behavior, alongside general methodological issues with measuring interoception.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-28T19:59:12Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Antonio de Padua de Souza e Silva.pdf: 649803 bytes, checksum: d16b39fabf0ea1a4496e2d6fccd1d2a3 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008-09-02 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Poetry is a literary phenomenon that, besides man and his language since earlier times until nowadays and will beside him while humanity, exists. However, each time has a particular manifestation to this kind of human language. At the 1970s, in Brazil, there was a kind of poetry that was produced and sailed out of conventional patterns, called marginal poetry; a kind of poetry that, as kind of art, answer to its historical time and, as soon as it happened to 1922s Modernism, 1950s Concretism and 1960s Tropicalism, conquered popular appreciation all over the country. This kind of poetry first work was 26 poetas hoje (26 poets today), a text anthology of texts by 26 authors who lived at Rio de Janeiro or Sao Paulo, organized and published by Heloísa Buarque de Holanda. At the end of the 1970s and longing all the 1980s, a group of young poets decided to put poetry at squares, near people; thus, Movimento Poetas na Praça (Poets at Squares Movement) grew up. Their central stage was Praça da Piedade (Piety Square), in Salvador, capital of Bahia state, where they joined to declaim their own and other author s poems, convoking people to a genial performance, as it used to happen on Medieval times. Movimento Poetas na Praça s founders were Antonio Short, Ametista Nunes, Eduardo Teles and Gilberto Costa, whose texts compose this work corpus. This poetry, called marginal, made angry some others poets, literary critics and scholars who called it sub-literature only because it doesn t follow official literary patterns and values all those who propose themselves as poets. Analyzing some poems composed by those poets, this study aims to offer a brief outline of this movement and contribute to finish the prejudice directed against this group of poets and their literary production / A poesia é um fenômeno literário que acompanha o homem e sua linguagem desde os primórdios até os nossos dias e há de acompanhá-lo, enquanto existir a raça humana. Cada época, no entanto, responde de uma forma particular a essa manifestação da linguagem humana. Nos anos 70, do século XX, surgiu no Brasil uma poesia que, por ter sido produzida e comercializada fora dos padrões convencionais, foi chamada de marginal; é uma poesia que, como toda arte, responde pelo seu tempo e por sua história e, beirando a linha do Modernismo de 22, do Concretismo de 50 e do Tropicalismo de 60, logo caiu no gosto do público e se espalhou por todo o país. O primeiro trabalho organizado e publicado dessa poesia foi a antologia 26 poetas hoje, da ensaísta Heloísa Buarque de Holanda, reunindo poetas que, no momento, moravam no eixo Rio-São Paulo. No final da década de 70 e durante toda a década de 80, um grupo de jovens poetas resolveu colocar a poesia na praça, perto do povo, surgia assim o Movimento Poetas na Praça. Esses poetas tinham como palco central a Praça da Piedade, em Salvador, Bahia, na qual se reuniam e declamavam poemas seus e de outros poetas, convocando o povo para uma genial performance, como nos tempos dos trovadores da Idade Média. Foram seus fundadores Antonio Short, Ametista Nunes, Eduardo Teles e Gilberto Costa; os quatro primeiros compõem o corpus deste trabalho. Essa poesia, chamada de marginal, despertou a ira de alguns poetas, críticos literários e professores universitários, que a tacharam de subliteratura, simplesmente por ela não obedecer aos trâmites oficiais das academias e por valorizar todos os que se propunham como poetas. O que buscamos, aqui, é fornecer um pequeno panorama dessa literatura, analisando, inclusive, alguns poemas dos poetas destacados acima, com o intuito único de acabar com o preconceito com que sempre foi vista essa geração de poetas e sua poesia

This study was concerned with the health implications of new forms of gambling such as casinos, pokie machines and internet gambling for Māori women and their families in Auckland and the Bay of Plenty region of Aotearoa (New Zealand). It set out to discover what culturally appropriate services were available and the extent to which Māori women gamblers were utilising them. The literature documenting Māori perceptions of gambling shows that Māori women gamblers and their partner/whānau members and gambling service providers have been little studied previously. These goals translated into the following specific aims: 1) to study how Māori women problem gamblers, their partner or whānau members and key informants perceived gambling, what it meant to them and why they did it; 2) to investigate the consequences of gambling for Māori women, whānau and service providers in dealing with the effects of gambling; 3) to report on how these three groups dealt with the effects of gambling; and 4) to discover what helped to bring about positive changes for the three groups. All of the aims were achieved. A Māori approach (Kaupapa Māori), combined with a naturalistic approach to data collection, was adopted. Qualitative methods are most appropriate to use when working with some Māori, as there is a growing realisation that research with Māori needs to be interactive. A Māori research procedure modelled on the ritual ceremony of encounter (Pōwhiri) provided an appropriate structure for the development and presentation of the research process. The major focus was on the qualitative data obtained from semi-structured interviews in two locations - Rotorua and Auckland. The interviews were conducted with twenty Māori women gamblers, sixteen whānau members including partners and ten interviews with staff involved in services that provided help for problem gamblers. The three interview schedules were based on a number of broad themes and open-ended questions to obtain meaningful descriptive data. The interviews were audio recorded and used to produce transcripts that were then sent back to the participants for feedback. Qualitative data analysis was conducted on the returned documents. The findings from this study revealed major impacts of the women's socio-economic, familial and societal circumstances on gambling behaviour and its effects, which are areas of concern for mental health professionals and researchers. The mythical Māori canoes on which Māori voyaged from their place of origin (Hawaiiki) to Aotearoa, the Waka, provided an appropriate metaphor to present the interrelationship between the pull and push factors toward gambling, and its implications for society. This is illustrated as a spinning waka, Te Waka Hūrihuri. On the other hand, Te Waka Māia (courageous) demonstrates the relationships between the variables that help Māori women gamblers to cope and helpful strategies found to assist them to modify or stop their gambling behaviour. It is recommended that the government limit the proliferation of gaming venues and continue to encourage development of emerging Māori services. Moreover, a coordinated approach is essential, as Māori women gamblers, partners and whānau members need to heal together for positive outcomes for Māori health development in Aotearoa. The main implication of this study is that a wide range of further research into Māori and gambling is required. Recommendations on ways in which the current delivery of services in Rotorua and Auckland could be improved are: That the Ministry of Health purchase services that establish support groups for Māori people with problem gambling and their whānau, and That non-Māori provider services and organisations support the development of emerging Māori services. Heeding the outcome of this research should help improve New Zealand's existing health policy and capacity for Māori women's health development. It should also enrich our understanding of the adaptation patterns of Māori whānau member/s, and thus should have implications, not only for Māori health policies, but also relevance for the wider field of international cross-comparative research on indigenous gambling and mental health issues. Limitations of this study included a small, localised sample that means the findings can only tentatively be generalised to the wider population of Māori women gamblers. Nonetheless, information gained from the study contributes to understanding of the adaptation patterns of Māori women gamblers, their whānau member/s, and those who are trying to help them. It is hoped that the study will make it at least a little less true that every day is a war day for Māori women and their whānau trying to deal with the problem of gambling.

Submitted by Marcia Bacha (marcia.bacha@fgv.br) on 2012-02-24T12:12:27Z No. of bitstreams: 1 PaulaCamargo.pdf: 6055758 bytes, checksum: 626103ea804201de5c019d18ad607c70 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Marcia Bacha (marcia.bacha@fgv.br) on 2012-02-24T12:12:50Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 PaulaCamargo.pdf: 6055758 bytes, checksum: 626103ea804201de5c019d18ad607c70 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Marcia Bacha (marcia.bacha@fgv.br) on 2012-02-24T12:13:01Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 PaulaCamargo.pdf: 6055758 bytes, checksum: 626103ea804201de5c019d18ad607c70 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2012-02-24T12:13:16Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 PaulaCamargo.pdf: 6055758 bytes, checksum: 626103ea804201de5c019d18ad607c70 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011 / A presente dissertação trata de verificar as interfaces entre projetos políticos e a formação das cidades, com foco na cidade do Rio de Janeiro durante as gestões do prefeito Cesar Maia de 2001 a 2004 e de 2005 a 2008. A consolidação do planejamento estratégico como ferramenta de gestão urbana é analisada, com foco nos planos estratégicos da cidade do Rio de Janeiro desenvolvidos ao longo da Era Cesar Maia: Rio Sempre Rio (1995/96) e As Cidades da Cidade (2004). A cidade de Bilbao, cuja recuperação é identificada com a implantação de uma filial do Museu Guggenheim, é estudada, revelando caminhos que outras cidades ao redor do mundo buscaram seguir. Finalmente, são analisados o contexto político e as implicações dos projetos para o Museu Guggenheim, no Porto, e para a Cidade da Música, na Barra da Tijuca, ambos no Rio de Janeiro. Estes casos foram selecionados por tratarem-se de projetos icônicos, que viriam a ser a representação construída da figura política que os orquestrou e que, cada qual à sua maneira, não tiveram o desfecho planejado. / This work presents an analysis of the interfaces between political projects and the forming of cities, focusing on the city of Rio de Janeiro during two of the periods in which Cesar Maia responded as mayor – 2001 to 2004 and 2005 to 2008. The consolidation of strategic planning as a tool for urban management is analysed, focusing on the strategic plans for the city of Rio de Janeiro developed during the Cesar Maia Era: Rio Sempre Rio (1995/96) and As Cidades da Cidade (2004). The city of Bilbao, which’s recuperation is identified with the building of a Guggenheim Museum, is also studied, revealing paths which other cities around the world tried to pursuit. Finally, the political context and the implications of the projects for the Guggenheim Museum, in the Harbor, and the ‘Cidade da Música’, in Barra da Tijuca, both in Rio de Janeiro. These cases have been selected for their iconic character, which was meant to be the built representation of the political figure who orchestrated the projects and which, each in its own way, didn’t have the expected closures.