Thesis advisor: Marilyn Cochran-Smith / In 2002, voters in Massachusetts passed a referendum, commonly referred to as "Question 2," requiring that, "All children in Massachusetts public schools shall be taught English by being taught in English and all children shall be placed in English language classrooms" (M.G.L.c.71A§4). This dissertation investigates the system of education for secondary bilingual learners and their teachers resulting from the passage of Question 2 by examining assumptions and ideologies about race, culture, and language across policy and practice. Drawing on critical race theory (CRT) and the construct of majoritarian stories, two distinct and complimentary analyses were conducted: a critical policy analysis of state level laws, regulations, and policy tools, and a critically conscious longitudinal case study of one teacher candidate who was prepared to work with bilingual learners and then taught bilingual learners during her first three years of teaching. The critical policy analysis, conducted as a frame analysis, exposes that legally sanctioned racism and linguicism are institutionalized and codified through Massachusetts state policy. Additionally, Massachusetts state policy consistently and strongly promotes four common majoritarian stories regarding the education of secondary bilingual learners and their teachers: there is no story about race, difference is deficit, meritocracy is appropriate, and English is all that matters. The longitudinal case study demonstrates the power of these majoritarian stories in classroom practice and how they limit the opportunities of bilingual learners and their teachers while also perpetuating institutionalized racism and linguicism. Taken together, the two analyses that make up this dissertation reveal a problematic system deeply affected by majoritarian stories that obscure the role white privilege and white normativity play in perpetuating issues of inequity for secondary bilingual learners and teachers. This dissertation argues that in order to disrupt institutionalized racism and linguicism, these stories must be consistently, proactively, and powerfully challenged across all levels of policy and practice. / Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2010. / Submitted to: Boston College. Lynch School of Education. / Discipline: Teacher Education, Special Education, Curriculum and Instruction.

從比較法觀點，有關釋憲法官的選任制度正如釋憲制度般，陸離璀璨、五彩繽紛各有不同。有關釋憲制度之研究，國內文獻汗牛充棟著述甚夥，惟對於釋憲法官選任制度之檢討，卻鮮見學者著墨。其實，有關釋憲法官選任方式之研究亦甚重要，因為司法違憲審查制度能否發揮其應有功能，以及釋憲法院能否公正、中立且有力地扮演司法權應有之角色，端視職司釋憲的法官素質之良寙。抑且，有關憲法案件爭議不同於一般法律案件，因頗富政治性，條文又極為概括抽像，故亟需有智慧且具膽識的人擔崗其事。是故，如何設計一個合理的釋憲法官選任制度，便牽涉綦廣，非三言兩語所可究竟！以研究美國式的釋憲法官選任制度，也就是由總統行使提名權再經由國會同意之人事任命制度，作為全篇論文之主軸。之所以如此，其原因有二：第一，美國制度是世界上相類制度中歷史最悠久者，卻鮮少其它法律先進國家效顰，因此有必要探究其原因為何。第二，我國制度大體上源自美國制度，因此發生或存在美制之問題，均極有可能於我國出現翻版。特別是國民大會於民國八十三年夏天對第六屆大法官行使同意權時，若干問題也隱然出現。因此，如能徹底認識美式釋憲法官任命度，相信定有助於未來可能發生問題之解決。 問題之源起─司法違憲審查制度之「反多數決困難」與「正當性」 （一）司法違憲審查制度之「正當性」與「反多數決困難」提出 二次大戰後世界憲政之推展，如從司法違憲審查制度發展之角度加以觀察，可發現一有趣且弔詭之現象，此即當世界各國普遍「進口」美國「土產」之司法違憲審查制度之際，司法違憲審查制度之「正當性」(Legitimacy)，卻在其發源地祖國受到廣泛而熱列之討論。此種獨樹一幟之景象，可謂係自一九五三年著名的Brown v. Board of Education乙案肇其端，而於一九六一年偉大之已故耶魯大學法學教授Alexander Bickel提出有名之司法違憲審查「反多數決困難」(Counter-Majoritarian Difficulty)達其高峰之，此司法違憲審查之「反多數決困難」，道出了司法違憲審查制度必須檢討之癥結。所謂「反多數決困難」，簡單講，係指民主政治以「多數決」為運作原則，而由於經由全體人民直接參與表決之實際上困難，故此原則每每係藉由人民所選出之議員所組成之議會落實。然司法違憲審查制度卻係以未經選舉出身之少數法官宣告代表多數人民議員所制定法律無效，如此不但阻礙了多數議員所代表人民意志之實現，更使得民主政治之「多數決」原則受到斲傷。職是之故，遂有學者對司法違憲審查制度能否與民主理論相容產生質疑，而有關司法違憲審查制度「正當性」之討論，也就是有關司法違憲審查制度本身有無正當性，以及如何增加其正當性之討論，自是應運而生。 （二）司法違憲審查制度「正當性」與釋憲法官之選任 由於部分學者─特別是政治學者對司法違憲審查制度正當性之質疑，因此，許多 學者─特別是法學教授─乃亟思理論上或制度設計上或實務運作層面上提高司法違憲審查制度之正當性。其表現於理論上者，迄今有關釋憲理論及最之爭辯，即為其中之翹楚。此外，有些學者更進而嚐試另闢蹊徑，從制度之設計上加以強化正當性。比如說，當今美國憲法重鎮之一的西北大學法學院Michael Perry教授，即於其一九九四年大作The Constitution in the Courts乙書中，分別參考德國及加拿大制度，對美國現行制度提出二項修正建議，一是對法官任期之限制，即改終身職為一定之任期，如我國之大法官般；其次，則是賦予議會以加重多數對法院判決進行複決之議會監督制度A就實務之運作層面言，對有關聯邦最高法院法官之「提名權」(Nomination)及「同意權」(Confirmation)運作程序之討論，則為常年討論之重點，並可用「於今為烈」四字形容 ，特別是自一九八七年最高法院提名人選Bork法官激烈之聽證案發生後。 美國學界之部份學者將討論重點轉移至有關法官選任程序之苦心孤詣，是可以理解的。一方面由於政府部門長期分裂─行政、立法部門分屬不同黨派，最高法院扮演「仲裁者」角色日益吃重；另一方面，共和黨總統利用連續十三次任命最高法院法官機會，企圖斧底抽薪地將最高法院從自由轉向保守。因之，任命程序如何再求公正與週延，自是部份學者關心之對象。也由於此一原因，要求參院發揮憲法所賦予權力，把守關卡之聲鵲起。但是，問題果真如此簡單？我們不禁想問，一個兩百年前設計的制度，真的仍能適應今天之需求嗎？倘若找們嚐試從法制史，司法違憲審查之本質與功能，以及從比較法等觀點分析，問題可能遠比我們想像的複雜！這也正是本文嚐試對美式釋憲法官選任制度作一澈底剖析之緣故！

La question de la durée du mandat présidentiel est indissociable de la réflexion sur l’équilibre des pouvoirs et sur la nature de la Ve République. Le quinquennat présidentiel, envisagé en1973 puis définitivement adopté par référendum le 24 septembre 2000, s’inscrit dans un mouvement de présidentialisation des institutions entamé depuis 1962 et l’élection du Président de la République au suffrage universel. En prévoyant une durée de mandat égale pour le chef de l’Etat et l’Assemblée nationale, le quinquennat entend redéfinir la dyarchie exécutive et mettre fin à l’arythmie électorale et à la cohabitation. Alors que la Constitution de 1958 privilégiait la souplesse pour répondre à toutes les situations politiques, le quinquennat fait le choix de l’efficacité en favorisant la concordance des majorités parlementaire et présidentielle. Mais le quinquennat est davantage un commencement qu’une fin. Poursuivi par l’inversion du calendrier électoral en 2001 et par une révision constitutionnelle majeure en 2008, le quinquennat a ouvert la voie à un régime présidentiel dont les effets se font déjà sentir à travers la reconfiguration du rôle du chef de l’Etat, le renforcement du poids de l’élection présidentielle, la présidentialisation des partis politiques et la bipolarisation de l’espace partisan. Dix ans après son entrée en vigueur, le quinquennat place la Ve République face à un choix : corriger le présidentialisme majoritaire dans le cadre des institutions actuelles ou achever la transition vers la VIe République et le régime présidentiel. / The issue of the length of the presidential term of office cannot be separated from the question of the balance of power in the Fifth Republic, and thus the question of its very essence. The five-year term of presidency, foreseen in 1973 and definitively enacted by referendum on September 24, 2000, comes out of a tendency toward expansion of presidential powers since1962, as well as from the decision to elect the President of the Republic by direct popular vote. Aligning the five-year term with that of the Assemblée nationale redefines shared governance between the President and the Prime Minister by removing the electoral unbalance that created the “cohabitation” (i.e. opposing camps of political goals and parties inpower) as in the past. Although the 1958 Constitution stressed its ability to adapt to any political situation, the five-year term makes the clear choice of effectively favoring concurrent majorities, both parliamentary and presidential. However, this choice is more of a beginning than an end. In 2001 a new electoral agenda followed the five-year term reform. Subsequently, there was a major revision of the Constitution in 2008. As a result we have seen a reconfiguration of the President’s role, a net increase in the importance of presidential election, and finally, political and partisan polarization. Ten years after its inception, the five year term forces the Fifth Republic to choose either to adapt the majoritarian presidentialism within and among existing divisions of government or to initiate a transition toward a Sixth Republic and a purely presidential regime.

A Ciência Política no Brasil tem se preocupado, nos últimos anos, em compreender o comportamento dos partidos surgidos após o período de redemocratização. Dentre as possíveis variáveis capazes de servir para explicar o fenômeno estão as coligações eleitorais, ainda pouco exploradas nos estudos. O objetivo dessa tese é compreender a existência de uma lógica capaz de explicar o comportamento das legendas em seus acordos para a disputa de prefeituras em 2000 e 2004. O universo pesquisado compreende os cerca de 5.560 municípios brasileiros e mais de treze mil candidaturas por ano, onde serão destacados os dez principais partidos brasileiros - PP(B), PFL, PL, PTB, PMDB, PSDB, PPS, PDT, PSB e PT. Parte-se da hipótese central de que existem variáveis capazes de explicar parte significativa desse ordenamento. Para tanto, realizam-se duas análises cuidadosas: da bibliografia e das questões institucionais. Nessa primeira parte destacam-se os estudos brasileiros sobre as coligações, desenvolvidos a partir do período da redemocratização dos anos 80, e as considerações de dois teóricos dos partidos políticos e suas considerações sobre as alianças: Maurice Duverger e Ângelo Panebianco. Na segunda parte os esforços se concentram na análise das leis que orientam a celebração de acordos eleitorais e os estatutos dos partidos selecionados, uma vez que o quadro institucional do país torna as legendas relativamente livres para a celebração de suas coligações. As duas últimas partes do trabalho se concentram em investigar se o comportamento dos partidos nos seus acordos em eleições majoritárias municipais tem relação com aspectos ideológicos e governamentais no plano federal ou com aspectos ligados ao alinhamento das legendas em cada estado, com destaque para a relação situação x oposição em torno da forte figura do governador. A conclusão caminha no sentido de aceitar esse segundo ambiente. Os partidos se organizam nos estados, e tal questão tem reflexo sobre as eleições municipais. / Brazilian political science has occupied itself for the last few years with analyzing the behavior of political parties. One of the variables that has some explanation power, and as of yet underrated in the field, are pre-electoral coalitions. This PhD thesis aims to check if there is a logic behind the main parties behavior regarding pre-electoral coalitions for mayorships in the elections of 2000 and 2004. Over 5,560 cities and 13,000 candidacies are analyzed and the parties studied are Brazil\'s ten main political parties: PP(B), PFL, PL, PTB, PMDB, PSDB, PPS, PDT, PSB e PT. We depart from the notion that there are many relevant variables that can explain why certain parties enter coalitions with others. For starters, we review the sparse literature regarding pre-electoral coalitions worldwide and specifically in Brazil and the work of two great political scientists: Maurice Duverger and Angelo Panebianco. Then we analyze the ten parties statutes to see how they regard the issue, since federal electoral laws are relatively permissive. The two last chapters investigate if pre-electoral coalitions in municipal elections are related to ideological and coalitional matters at the federal level or at the state level. The data show that the parties tend to organize themselves according to the governor\'s political position.

This paper investigates the relationship between ethnic conflict, electoral systems, and power sharing in ethnically divided societies. The cases of Guyana, Fiji, Sri Lanka, Lebanon, Mauritius, and Trinidad and Tobago are considered. Electoral systems are denoted based on presidential versus parliamentary system, and on proportional representation versus majoritarian/plurality. The paper concludes that, while electoral systems are important, other factors like the power distribution between ethnic groups, and ensuring a non-zero-sum game may be as important.

Der vorliegende Beitrag untersucht das Dreiecksverhältnis zwischen ökologischer Nachhaltigkeit, wirtschaftlichem Wachstum und liberaler Demokratie und stellt fest, dass dieses sich in den westlichen Konsumgesellschaften im Angesicht der zunehmenden lebensweltlichen Manifestation der "Grenzen des Wachstums" grundlegend neu konfiguriert. Dabei zeichnen sich tatsächlich die Konturen einer "demokratischen Postwachstumsgesellschaft" ab - allerdings unter gänzlich anderen Vorzeichen, als es der überwiegende Teil der Transformationsforschung ersehnt. In der Absicht, einen Beitrag zur Rückkopplung der normativen und sich als transformativ verstehenden Teile der Nachhaltigkeitsforschung an die sozialwissenschaftliche Analyse moderner Gesellschaften zu leisten, zeigt der Beitrag zunächst, wie im Bereich umweltpolitischer und demokratiebezogener Diskurse zentrale Narrative, die über Jahrzehnte die Debatte bestimmt haben, heute ihre Glaubwürdigkeit verlieren und sich damit das Feld für eine Neujustierung der Dreiecksbeziehung eröffnet. Anschließend wird aus gesellschaftstheoretischer Perspektive ausgeleuchtet, wie die Demokratie im Zeichen moderner Subjektivitätsverständnisse und bestenfalls noch moderater Wachstumsraten zunehmend zu einem Mittel der "nachhaltigen" Verteidigung nicht-nachhaltiger Lebensstile wird. Entschiedener denn je, so zeigt sich, erheben moderne Konsumgesellschaften die "Politik der Nicht-Nachhaltigkeit" zu ihrem Prinzip.

A Ciência Política no Brasil tem se preocupado, nos últimos anos, em compreender o comportamento dos partidos surgidos após o período de redemocratização. Dentre as possíveis variáveis capazes de servir para explicar o fenômeno estão as coligações eleitorais, ainda pouco exploradas nos estudos. O objetivo dessa tese é compreender a existência de uma lógica capaz de explicar o comportamento das legendas em seus acordos para a disputa de prefeituras em 2000 e 2004. O universo pesquisado compreende os cerca de 5.560 municípios brasileiros e mais de treze mil candidaturas por ano, onde serão destacados os dez principais partidos brasileiros - PP(B), PFL, PL, PTB, PMDB, PSDB, PPS, PDT, PSB e PT. Parte-se da hipótese central de que existem variáveis capazes de explicar parte significativa desse ordenamento. Para tanto, realizam-se duas análises cuidadosas: da bibliografia e das questões institucionais. Nessa primeira parte destacam-se os estudos brasileiros sobre as coligações, desenvolvidos a partir do período da redemocratização dos anos 80, e as considerações de dois teóricos dos partidos políticos e suas considerações sobre as alianças: Maurice Duverger e Ângelo Panebianco. Na segunda parte os esforços se concentram na análise das leis que orientam a celebração de acordos eleitorais e os estatutos dos partidos selecionados, uma vez que o quadro institucional do país torna as legendas relativamente livres para a celebração de suas coligações. As duas últimas partes do trabalho se concentram em investigar se o comportamento dos partidos nos seus acordos em eleições majoritárias municipais tem relação com aspectos ideológicos e governamentais no plano federal ou com aspectos ligados ao alinhamento das legendas em cada estado, com destaque para a relação situação x oposição em torno da forte figura do governador. A conclusão caminha no sentido de aceitar esse segundo ambiente. Os partidos se organizam nos estados, e tal questão tem reflexo sobre as eleições municipais. / Brazilian political science has occupied itself for the last few years with analyzing the behavior of political parties. One of the variables that has some explanation power, and as of yet underrated in the field, are pre-electoral coalitions. This PhD thesis aims to check if there is a logic behind the main parties behavior regarding pre-electoral coalitions for mayorships in the elections of 2000 and 2004. Over 5,560 cities and 13,000 candidacies are analyzed and the parties studied are Brazil\'s ten main political parties: PP(B), PFL, PL, PTB, PMDB, PSDB, PPS, PDT, PSB e PT. We depart from the notion that there are many relevant variables that can explain why certain parties enter coalitions with others. For starters, we review the sparse literature regarding pre-electoral coalitions worldwide and specifically in Brazil and the work of two great political scientists: Maurice Duverger and Angelo Panebianco. Then we analyze the ten parties statutes to see how they regard the issue, since federal electoral laws are relatively permissive. The two last chapters investigate if pre-electoral coalitions in municipal elections are related to ideological and coalitional matters at the federal level or at the state level. The data show that the parties tend to organize themselves according to the governor\'s political position.

Please read the abstract in the front of this document. / Thesis (LLD)--University of Pretoria, 2013. / Centre for Human Rights / unrestricted

This study examines the effect of judicial protection of minority rights on the Constitutional Court’s legitimacy. The framing of the Marriage Act shows that Parliament intended marriage to be between a man and a woman. By nullifying section 30(1) of the Act and making the order above, the Court fulfilled its constitutional mandate of upholding fundamental human rights. At the same time, it negated the intention of Parliament which represents majoritarian interests. The Constitutional Court is, in contra-distinction with Parliament, unelected. By voiding section 30(1) of the Marriage Act and arousing public opposition to legal recognition of same-sex unions, it raised a ‘countermajoritarian difficulty.’ This ‘countermajoritarian difficulty’ has elicited intense scholarly debate.17 The study examines how the Court’s negation of majoritarian interests in order to protect minority rights affects its legitimacy. / Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2007. / A Dissertation submitted to the Faculty of Law University of Pretoria, in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree Masters of Law (LLM in Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa). Prepared under the supervision of Associate Prof. Tamale Sylvia of the Faculty of Law, Makerere University, Kampala, Uganda / http://www.chr.up.ac.za/ / Centre for Human Rights / LLM

The thesis analyses the state of the United Kingdom's climate policies and it particularly focuses on the question, how these policies are determined by its institutional system, that is majoritarian democracy. Theoretically majoritarian democracies generally have a weaker record in the environmental policy and the thesis aims to research, if and how the features of majoritarian democracies in reality influence the policy outcomes. The thesis focuses on the two party system, that often produces adversary and inconsistent politics and the pluralist system of the interest groups that tends to give better possibilities to the economically powerful actors such as business and energy groups. The base for the analysis will be the climate policies during the last twenty years and the performance and general discours of two main governing parties. Thesis also takes a closer look on the cases of Climate Change Act and Energy Act 2015 and their ability of the interest groups to achieve their goals. The thesis concludes that the combination of the institutional system with the low salience of the topic for the main parties poses significant obstacles and limitations to an active and progressive climate politics.