東南亞海域的海洋運輸在亞太地區經濟成長上扮演相當重要的角色。一旦海上環境遭受猛烈恐怖襲擊，全球的船運和貿易活動立即會受到嚴重的影響。尤其是麻六甲海峽的特殊地理環境，讓恐怖份子很容易在良好策劃下，完成海上恐怖攻擊活動。後續該地區的保險金額將會高得驚人，造成整個東南亞地區的海運、亞洲地區的貿易、全球經濟的成長都會受到波及。這也正是為何執恐怖世界牛耳的「蓋達」組織正在積極組建「海軍」，對海上恐怖攻擊展現高度興趣的主要原因。近幾年來東南亞海盜有漸趨暴力的傾向，加上「蓋達」組織的阿富汗基地受創，部分幹部落腳於東南亞，更加深人們對於手段殘暴的海盜與海上恐怖主義的聯想。「蓋達」業已投注許多心力發展海上攻擊能力，如果再與東南亞恐怖組織分享研究成果的話，情況勢必更加棘手。 本文特別針對印尼、馬來西亞、新加坡、菲律賓與泰國等五個國家作分析，檢視各國所發生的海上暴力事件以及處理的方式，並且研究各國主政者對於恐怖主義的態度。此外，對於與海上恐怖主義有關聯的東南亞恐怖組織包括「伊斯蘭教祈禱團」、「阿布薩耶夫」、「摩洛伊斯蘭解放陣線」與「摩洛民族解放陣線」等，分析其有無跨界發展的能量與發動海上恐怖攻擊的能力。文中也試著從「東協」及其相關組織以及「聯合國」、「國際海事局」、「國際海事組織」、「亞太經濟合作會議」等全球性的機構分析其面對新興海上恐怖主義活動的回應，進而整理出促進東南亞各國在海上安全維護上更進一步合作的措施。最後針對台灣的海上反恐作一檢視，希望可以從全球海上反恐的努力獲取經驗，與全球反恐接軌，提升國家海上安全的保障。 關鍵字：海上恐怖主義活動、「蓋達」組織、麻六甲海峽、九一一事件、東南亞、海盜。

This dissertation explores the growing field of study around Maritime Security. While an increasingly common sub-heading in American naval strategy documents, maritime security operations are largely framed around individual threats (i.e. counter-piracy, counter-terrorism, counter-narcotics). Here, we endeavor to explore how a seemingly disparate set of transnational issues fit into a more coherent framework to give greater theoretical substance to the notion of Maritime Security as a distinct concept. In particular, we examine, as our research question, whether the Broken Windows theory, a criminological construct of social disorganization, provides the lens through which to theorize maritime security in the littorals. By extrapolating from criminology, this dissertation engages with a small but growing impulse in studies on insurgencies, terrorism, and piracy to look beyond classic theories of security to better understand phenomena of political violence. To evaluate our research question, we begin by identifying two critical components of the Broken Windows theory, multidimensionality and context specificity. Multidimensionality refers to the web of interrelated individuals, organizations, and infrastructure upon which crime operates. Context specificity refers to the powerful influence of an individual or community's environment on behavior. These two themes, as explored in this dissertation, are brought into stark relief through an application of the Broken Windows theory. Leveraging this understanding of the theory, we explore our research question by employing process-tracing and detailed descriptions across three case studies (one primary and two illustrative)—the Caribbean Basin, the Gulf of Guinea, and the Straits of Malacca and Singapore. In so doing, we demonstrate how applying the lens that Broken Windows provides yields new and interesting perspectives on maritime security. As a consequence, this dissertation offers an example of a theoretical framework that provides greater continuity to the missions or threats frequently binned under the heading of maritime security, but infrequently associated with one another in the literature.

This thesis examines the geopolitical consequences of China's search for energy resources on the Indian Ocean and South China Sea. It provides a brief outline of the energy situation of the world as a whole, specifically how it is becoming a more globalized and singular market. This change is occurring at the same time as a pronounced shift away from the traditional measurements of 'power' towards 'softer' more subtle definitions. There is a brief section outlining the geopolitical teachings of Alfred T. Mahan, specifically how he advocated seapower primarily for the purpose of providing the stability and security necessary for trade. Chinese analysts have been embracing the teachings of Mahan, but also interpreting them in a way that justifies the naval buildup Beijing has been embarking on in recent years. The paper briefly looks at the potential sources that China could turn to meet its energy needs, but concludes that it will have to rely on oil for the foreseeable future. It then attempts to define overall Chinese interests, specifically how nearly all of these relate somehow to energy security, thus underlining the importance of this topic to leaders in Beijing. The last half of the work delves into a geopolitical analysis of the Indian Ocean and South China Sea, and how militarization in the...

“21世紀海上絲綢之路”倡議與絲綢之路經濟帶的傳輸紐帶關係，發展成為“一帶一路”倡議，為中共在2013年所提出的戰略構想。 就美國而言，由於其經濟實力受金融危機影響減弱，透過積極干涉南海爭端，可協助其順利推進亞太戰略轉向，強化本國在東亞地區的權力基礎，並制約中國勢力擴張。相對於中共來說，應有效應對美國實施重返亞太戰略可能產生的各種不利影響。 本文探討對於共同建設的“21世紀海上絲綢之路”倡議，需要沿線各國與經濟體共同努力，願景需要由政治互信不斷增強，未來發展建置議程，共同促進聯合行動方案的互聯互通。 / The initiative of “One belt, one Road” means the economic belt of Land route of Silk Road connecting Mainland China with the countries of Central Asia and the transport ties of the Maritime Silk Road connecting Mainland China with the countries of ASEAN, which has been making a strategic formulation put forward by the People's Republic of China since 2013. The impact of islands disputes between China and Philippines on the security of South China Sea, as far as the United States is concerned, with its economic strength weakened by the financial crisis, by proactively interfering with that, it helps successfully reorient its regional strategy, strengthen the U.S. power base in East Asia, and prevent China from expanding further. On the other side, to the PRC., effective strategies should be put forward to all kinds of disadvantageous influences of America's returning to the Asia-Pacific region. This article argues that jointly building the initiative of the 21st Century Maritime Silk Road is required all parties to work together, the vision needs to be built for future development by increasing political mutual trust as well as development agenda so as to jointly promote inter connectivity.