This study examines aspects of how dental therapy began and developed, since it was introduced as one of the first public health occupations in New Zealand, in 1921. Dental therapy began as dental nursing, and was introduced by visionary dentists in order to treat widespread dental disease within the New Zealand population. The occupation gained international recognition. Dental nurses performed their tasks under the direct supervision and direction of a public health dentist and the occupation was restricted to females and child-patients. Investigating issues that have influenced the development of dental therapy is critical in today�s climate. Background research in the thesis reveals an interplay of issues relating to gender, professional development and measures of how successful the occupation has been in relation to oral health need. The latter is particularly questionable for our indigenous people in New Zealand. How has the role of the dental therapist in New Zealand been utilised? Has the delivery of care been based on sound knowledge and dental need? Has the role progressed in order to provide effective and appropriate care within a publicly funded system? These issues are important issues, particularly when New Zealand�s dental therapy profession becomes one of the many health professions that will be affected by the new Health Practitioners Competence Assurance Act when it is implented over the following year. In order to improve oral health for the population, it is vital that the dental therapist is appropriately and effectively utilised. How oral health workers perceive the past role and future role in achieving oral health gain is investigated in this study by using interviews and postal surveys, and the results are discussed. The findings show that the dental therapist has not always been utilised and developed using sound epidemiological evidence. Elements of professional protection by the dental profession coupled with depleted health funding rather than dental need have appeared as driving factors. Furthermore, the dental therapy profession has remained in a sub-ordinate role to the dental profession. The findings of this study show that a large number of the current dental therapy workforce do not feel that they are ready to provide dental care autonomously. Information in the thesis argues that past legislation and subordination to the dental profession has largely affected the development of dental therapy, and whether this has always assisted in improving oral health for the New Zealand population is questioned in this work. With a depleted number in the workforce, the role has become focussed on a reparative form of care, not one that promotes and improves oral health. This is not acceptable in a publicly funded system. Implementing changes to the dental therapy role must be undertaken, but undertaken with caution and based on progressive health-promoting ideology.

Achieving �justice� is the overriding aim of the Treaty settlement process. This process was established to resolve Maori historical grievances against the New Zealand Crown for alleged breaches of the Treaty of Waitangi. Because historical injustices involve the interactions of cultures over time, justice in the Treaty settlement process is shaped, and constrained, by two main factors: �culture� and �time�. The settlement of Ngai Tahu�s historical grievances, and in particular the return of pounamu as part of the settlement, achieved a large measure of this limited kind of justice. The Ngai Tahu settlement and the return of pounamu suggest that Treaty settlements are achieving, and may continue to achieve, a large measure of the justice available in the Treaty settlement process. Examination of the return of pounamu to Ngai Tahu reveals, however, that new injustices may have been created in the Ngai Tahu settlement. These new injustices are critically analysed, and recommendations for maximising justice in the Treaty settlement process are suggested. If Treaty settlements are to achieve the maximum justice available in the Treaty settlement process, the Treaty partners must heed the warning signs arising from the possible creation of new injustices in the Ngai Tahu settlement.

The world�s indigenous peoples have been subjected to exploitation, discrimination, dispossession, relocation, assimilation and in some cases genocide since contact with the Western world. They have been the victims of an invasion which has since secured their position among the lowest social qualifiers. For centuries, they have been ignored by nation-states throughout the world. However, a new dawn has risen for the first peoples of the world, and for the past two decades thaey have experienced a cultural, political and social revival which has been gaining in popularity, intensity and effectiveness since it�s inception. The politicisation of indigenous movements and their fundamentally local characteristics has occurred at the same time that the world is experiencing a sense of accelerated globalisation. Economic integration through trade agreements has diminished boundaries and has allowed multinational corporations to travel, sell and trade at will. The sense that the world is �one place� has fast become a reality through "the increasing volume and rapidity of the flows of money, goods, people, information, technology and images." (Featherstone, 1995:81) The simultaneous globalisation and localisation of the world seems to be two contradictory phenomenon acting in opposition to one another. However, as several theorists have pointed out, the two are actually related and each to some degree attributes to the existence of the other (Eriksen, 1993:9; Featherstone, 1990:10; Friedman, 1990:327). In fact, indigenous movements themselves, while asserting local issues and rights, have undergone a recent transformation and now attempt to achieve their goals through global strategies. They have expanded their methods and now not only at the community and national levels, but also within the international arena. The Maori and the Native Hawaiians are two groups of indigenous peoples who have been fighting for their rights and land for over a century. Both groups represent small percentages of their nation-states� population. This has forced them to pursue their struggle with creative strategies and persistent, patient pressure. Thus, their struggles have undergone continouos transformations in attempts to discover the most effective formula which would eventually cause their respective nation-states to recognise and address their grievances. Recently, the Maori and the Native Hawaiians, have broadened their movement to incorporate an international tier. Activity on the international level includes international conferences, international visits/exchanges, ratification of indigenous declarations, indigenous networking, and international indigenous solidarity organisations. These activities have increased over the past twenty years as the effectiveness of such activity has also increased. New Zealand, the United States and other nation-states are being held more accountable for past injustices and are being driven to answer to the world�s indigenous community.

The Treaty of Waitangi specifically recognises the rights of Maori to control and manage their fisheries resources. However, since the imposition of fisheries legislation in New Zealand, this right has been consistently eroded. It is only recently that Maori customary fisheries rights have been given a degree of recognition in New Zealand�s fisheries management regime. The taiapure provisions of the Fisheries Act 1996 are one of the few policy initiatives available for Maori to manage their fisheries resources in accordance with their customary tikanga. This study examines the effectiveness of the taiapure legislation in providing for Maori customary fisheries management. The Maketu taiapure in the Bay of Plenty is studied to analyse the implementation of the initiative at the local level. The study has found that there are limitations inherent in the legislation and that these are further complicated by inadequacies in its implementation. Recommendations regarding the size, management and establishment process, are made at the conclusion of the study to highlight the amendments needed for the taiapure provisions to properly recognise and provide for the role of Maori, as Treaty partners, in the management of their local fisheries.

The Maori people - those Polynesians who moved to the cooler islands of New Zealand - possessed a mythology that matched their own great qualities. They had a myth of the Creation that rivals Genesis in beauty, a pantheon of gods and heroes who can be mentioned in the same breath as those of the Greeks, and a store of splendid tribal histories, half factual, half fabulous, ... These are the opening lines of the Preface to a recently published selection of Maori myths and legends in translation: they indicate how strongly many modern New Zealanders are attracted to the various forms of Maori literature. But this is no new phenomen. For the receptive Pakeha mind has been fascinated by Maori mythology since the very beginnings of European settlement in New Zealand. Indeed, if anything, the magnetic appeal of Maori myth and legend was probably most evident in the earliest years of intercultural contact. Thomas Kendall was one of the first missionaries to work among the Maori people. Unlike most of his fellow-evangelists, Kendall determined to study and so understand the religion and customs of his adopted flock. Unfortunately, this �tragic, Faustian figure� was soon out of his depth. Kendall wrote, I am now, after a long, anxious, and painful study, arriving at the very foundation and groundwork of the cannibalism and superstitions of these islanders. All their notions are metaphysical, and I have been so poisoned withh the apparent sublimity of their ideas that I have been almost completely turned from a Christian to a heathen. Another early missionary, Richard Taylor, also studied Maori beliefs in depth. But Taylor, though he felt impelled by his inter-course with the Maori to write a long and influential treatise on his interpretation of Maoritanga, did manage to retain a degree of scholarly objectivity towards his subject. Yet even so, Taylor acknowledges in his treatise that, The Maori mythology is extremely interesting, and quite different from what we should expect from a people sunk in barbarism. ... Their ideas in some respects are not so puerile, as those even of the more civilized heathens of old, and without the light of inspiration, could not be expected to be more advanced. Nor were secular scholars immune to "Maori fever." Sir George Grey wrote of the Maori that � their traditions are puerile� and their �religious faith ... is absurd�. Yet during the eight years that he was Governor of the nascent colony of New Zealand in a period of constant interracial stress, Grey devoted a great deal of what little spare time he had to the collection and publication of the myths and legends, and �the ancient traditional poems, religious chants, and songs, of the Maori race�-- Introduction. Four poets are considered: Alfred Domett (1811-1887), Arthur Henry Adams (1872-1936), Jessie Mackay (1864-1938), Blanche E. Baughan (1870-1958).

Summary: Although a good deal of information is available about the Maoris of New Zealand, concerning their origin, customs, and culture, yet statistical data regarding their actual numbers at any time before 1857 are comparatively rare. It is a fact that the Maori population in any given locality was a fluctuating one and that their distribution in general was very variable and this constitutes a formidable difficulty in making any estimate of their numbers before the first cenus. A second obstacle is the difficulty of travel which faced the early European explorers. For example, when Cook visited New Zealand, he made an estimate of the population but it was largely conjectural as Cook saw the natives at only those places he touched around the coast, and had in fact no means of estimating what proportion of the total population those communities formed. Actually the Maoris were not confined to the coastline, and therefore Cook�s estimate cannot be regarded as based on adequate data. An evaluation of his estimate will be made later--Chapter 1.

The object of this study was to identify microscopic differences among six selected cultivars of harakeke traditionally used by Maori in weaving. The cultivars were Arawa, Makaweroa, Paretaniwha, Takaiapu, Takirikau, and Tapamangu. The effectiveness of different microscopy techniques for taking measurements of the dimensions of ultimate fibres using a factorial experimental design was investigated in part A. Constant variables were geographical location, location of specimens along the leaf, season (winter), individual plant, fan, north-facing fan, and age of plant (approximately seven years), and cultivars (Paretaniwha and Tapamangu). Experimental variables were the microscopy techniques used and measurement axis. Techniques selected use on further cultivars in part B were transverse sections of leaf specimens 4 m thick, embedded in Paraplast� and observed using LM, and non-fixed ultimate fibres observed using SEM. In part B the dimensions of ultimate fibres from the six selected cultivars of harakeke were measured, and analysed (ANOVA and Tukey's HSD), and the transverse section shapes of fibre aggregates were observed. Transverse widths of ultimate fibres ranged from 10.15 m (Takaipu) -12.80 m (Paretaniwha). Ultimate fibre lengths ranged from 3735 m (Takirikau) - 4751 m (Makaweroa). The cultivars prizes for muka, Arawa and Makaweroa, had the longest and finest ultimate fibre bundles more uniform in transverse-sectional shape than the other cultivars studied and perhaps this explains their selection for extraction of muka. Takirikau had a high yield of ultimate fibre bundles, and perhaps this makes extraction of muka worthwhile. Paretaniwha differed from the other five cultivars studied having an average number of ultimate fibre bundles per unit width that were narrow and non-uniform in shape, and composed of short, thick, ultimate fibre cells. The microscopic structure of muka from six selected cultivars of harakeke used traditionally for weaving varied and may explain differences perceived by weavers, and that different end uses are preferred for various cultivars.

This study is an attempt to interrogate the shared terrain of academic Maori Studies, Treaty of Waitangi praxis (where �praxis� is defined as the practical use of reason and the resonable use of practice - in contrast to purely theoretical activity) and the University system in this country. In this wide ranging �interrogation�, I will employ a dialectical method of analysis where each of the major Articles of the Treaty are assigned a particular �role� in the Thesis because it represents the central �University� or Kawanatanga Problematic; that Article 2 (Tino Rangatiratanga-Chieftainship) is the Antithesis because it represents the �Maori� contradiction or the Tino Rangatiratanga Mandate; and that Article 3 (Kotahitanga-Unity and Association) is the Synthesis because it represents Treaty Praxis� or the Kotahitanga Solution. This study (like the Treaty) has been organised into five appropriate Parts: Part A (The Preamble) provides the overture for the study, and, as such, contextualises the methodological framework and theoretical paradigms in, on and around which the rest of the study is located. Part B (The Kawanatanga Problematic) will attempt to articulate the struggle of Maori Studies in academia by problematising Kawanatanga (as is the case in most of the scholarship on this critical aspect of the Treaty). Part C (The Tino Rangatiratanga Mandate) will outline three major neglected areas of Tino Rangatiratanga in academia: such as the agency of Maori staff, students and communities; and the status of language and of knowledge taonga (treasures). Part D (The Kotahitanga Solution) will attempt to synthesise Treaty praxis within the debate by outlining and evaluating a number of Treaty principles and examples. Part E (Post-Script) will summarise the personified (signatory) aspects of the study and will also attempt to articulate a possible future for Maori Studies. It is hoped that the analytical framework employed in this study and will also attempt to articulate a possible future for Maori Studies. It is hoped that the analytical framework employed in this study will assist in clarfying (i) the nature of the struggle of a �minority-culture� subject (Maori Studies) within (ii) a �majority-culture� institution (the University), and (iii) the promise of bicultural synthesis (or Treaty praxis) as a means of mediating this struggle. It is also hoped that this thesis will be a contribution to that ongoing debate.

In the northern South Island, the area northern Te Wai Pounamu (NTWP) is defined appropriate to a regional investigation of pre-European culture change. It is argued that the Maori sequence of this region is relevant to a range of interpretative problems in New Zealand�s archaeological past. Preparatory to this investigation, the international and New Zealand literature on culture change is reviewed. Two primary investigative foci of change are identified in NTWP; subsistence economy and stone tool manufacturing technology. A chronological scheme of Early, Middle and Late Periods based on firmly dated ecological events and/or independent radiocarbon ages is defined so as to order the archaeological data without recourse to unproven scenarios of cultural change and association. The Early Period subsistence economy is assessed in some detail. An Early Period settlement focus is documented along the eastern Tasman Bay coast in proximity to meta-argillite sources. Early Period midden remains suggest that several genera of seal and moa were exploited, and that people were fishing in eastern Tasman Bay during the warmer months of the year. From the Early Period fishhook assemblages of Tasman Bay, manufacturing change is inferred related to the increasing scarcity of moa bone over time. It is argued that lower Early Period settlement of the larger northern South Island was focused on the north-eastern coast to Rangitoto (D�Urville Island), while NTWP was characterized by smaller stone working communities operating in summer. In contrast, moa-free middens in Awaroa Inlet and Bark Bay of the western Tasman Bay granite coast present a physical dominance of Paphies australis, and finfish species suggesting, along with the dearth of Austrovenus stutchburyi, occupation outside of the warmer summer months. These middens also present an absence of seal and a paucity of bird bone, while sharing a robust 15th-16th centuries AD radiocarbon chronology. With the dearth of all bird species from granite coast middens in general, and evidence that the less preferred kokako (Callaeas c. cinerea) was caught during the occupation of Awaroa Inlet N26/214, it is suggested that cultural regulations beyond immediate subsistence needs were also operating at this time. From southern Tasman Bay, the archaeological investigation of the important Appleby site N27/118 suggests that the people associated with the extensive horticultural soils of Waimea West otherwise consumed finfish and estuarine shellfish in (non-summer) season, kiore (Rattus exulans), dog or kuri (Canis familiaris), and several small evidence of Maori tradition, archaeological charcoal, and the approximately 16th century radiocarbon chronology for N27/118 and the associated Appleby gravel borrow pit N27/122 places the advent of extensive Waimea horticulture within the post-moa, lower Middle Period Maori economy. The Haulashore Island archaeological assemblage of south-eastern Tasman Bay with a similar material culture to Appleby is also bereft of seal and any diagnostic moa bone. This Middle Period evidence is considered in a larger comparative perspective, where the absence of seal from 15th-16th centuries Tasman Bay middens is interpreted as a factor of human predation. A secure radiocarbon chronology suggests the convergence of this loss with the diminishment and loss of selected avifauna, and the subsequent advent of large horticultural complexes in the northern South Island compensated for the loss of faunal calories in a seasonally economy and a managed ecology. The evidence of stone tool use is also reviewed in some detail for NTWP, following the definition of an adze typology appropriate to the classification of meta-argillite tools. It is clear that meta-argillite is the dominant material of adze and (non-adze) flake tool manufacture throughout the Maori sequence of NTWP, while granite coast quartz remains generally subdominant. Beyound the apparent loss of the laterally-hafted adze, the evidence of adze change is generally subdominant. Beyond the apparent loss of the laterally-hafted adze, the evidence of adze change is generally reflected in shifting typological proportions, and in new manufacturing technologies and dressing techniques. Functional change may be inferred in the loss over time of large meta-argillite points and blade tools associated respectively with the manufacture of one-piece moa bone fishhooks and moa and seal butchery. The exclusive identification of hammer-dressed adzes with hump backs and steep bevels in Middle Period assemblages is related to the advent of horticultural intensification. More generally, adzes of the upper Early and Middle Periods are increasingly characterized by round sections, while hammer-dressing is employed more frequently and extensively reduced from riverine meta-argillite and recycled banks. Collectively, these changes reflect a developing emphasis on economy and opportunistic exploitation. From this interpretation, and evidence that meta-argillite adze length and the size of high quality Ohana source flakes diminish over time, it is suggested that accessible, high quality and appropriately shaped meta-argillite rock became increasingly scarce through intensive quarry manufacture. In conclusion, the coincidence of diminishing rock and faunal resources over time is related in a speculative anthropological model of culture change. It is proposed that the 14th-16th centuries Maori economy of NTWP, and by implication and inference, many other regions of New Zealand, was characterized by a resource crisis which either precipitated or reinforced a broader trajectory of culture change. It is suggested that influential leadears perceived a linkage in the loss of high quality rock and important subsistence fauna at this time, and that distinctive technologies, institutions and ideologies of Middle Period Maori society were influenced by, and/or developed from, this perception. Finally, it is recommended that the data of an archaeological Maori culture sequence be ordered and tested within a radiocarbon based chronological scheme, rather than the still generally used model of �Archaic� and �Classic� cultural periods. It is also suggested that New Zealand archaeologists should look beyond the functional-ecological imperative to consider more holistic anthropological explanations of change in the pre-European Maori past, with a focus on integrated regional sequences.

Thesis (MEducation)--University of South Australia, 2001.