Rakiura Maori continue a centuries old harvest of titi chicks (sooty shearwater, Puffinus griseus) which is governed primarily by Traditional Ecological Knowledge (TEK). The sustainability of titi harvesting is of high cultural, social and ecological importance. Some commentators view contemporary use of TEK as insufficient to ensure sustainability because it is no longer intact, too passive, and/or potentially inadequate to meet new ecological and technical challenges. Such assertions have been made in the absence of detailed description of TEK and associated social mechanisms. This thesis describes Rakiura Maori TEK practices and management systems that are in place and asks whether such systems are effective today, and whether they will remain effective in future. Ecological, social and cultural factors are intertwined in cultural wildlife harvests so the methodology used was a combination of quantitative ecological methods and semi-directive interviews of 20 experienced harvesting elders. The research also used ecological science to evaluate potential harvest monitoring methods and to determine what sets the limits on harvest. These ecological studies focused on harvesting by four families on Putauhinu Island in 1997-1999. Harvest is divided into two parts. In the first period (�nanao�) chicks are extracted from breeding burrows during daytime. In the second period (�rama�) chicks are captured at night when they have emerged from burrows. Nanao harvest rates only increased slightly with increasing chick densities and birders� harvest rates varied in their sensitivities to changing chick density. Although harvest rates can only provide a general index of population change a monitoring panel, with careful selection of participants, may be the only feasible way to assess population trend and thereby harvest sustainability or the resource�s response to changed management. Rakiura Maori harvesting practice constitutes common property resource management based on birthright and a system of traditional rules. Protection of island habitat and adult birds, and temporal restricitions on harvest are considered most important. Legislation and a belief system of reciprocity and connection to ancestors and environment aid enforcement of the rules. Ecological knowledge is learnt through observation, hands-on experience and storytelling. Younger Rakiura Maori now spend less time harvesting which puts pressure on the transmission of knowledge. Paradoxically, use of modern technology for harvesting aids transfer of essential skills because it is easier and faster to learn, thereby contributing to the continuance of a culturally important harvest. Limits on harvest are passive, with the numbers of chicks taken determined by the time spent harvesting and processing. Processing is more limiting during the rama period. Future innovations that decrease the time to process each chick during rama could greatly increase the total number of chicks caught. Recently introduced motorised plucking machines decrease the time required to pluck each chick. However, on Putauhinu Island, use of plucking machines did not increase the number of chicks harvested, indicating social mechanisms were also limiting. Elders identified changing values between the generations, which may reduce the future strength of social limitations on harvest pressure. Global climate change may reduce the predicability of traditional knowledge. Rakiura Maori have identified this risk and sought to examine ecological science as a tool to complement traditional knowledge for monitoring harvest sustainability. Climate change, declining tītī numbers and potential changes in technology or markets all threaten the effectiveness of current social limits to harvest. Rakiura Maori have previously shown the ability to adapt and must look to add resilience to their institutions to ensure we keep the titi forever.

Historically there has been considerable debate over the origin of karaka (Corynocarpus laevigatus J.R. et G. Forst.) In contrast, the extent and importance of pre-historic arboriculture in New Zealand has received little attention in the literature. This study reviews the ecology and ethnobotony of karaka and investigates its cultural and natural biogeography. Maori migration traditions frequently state that karaka was introduced to New Zealand. However, molecular evidence and finds of fossil seeds of the late Oligocene age show that karaka is endemic to New Zealand. Therefore, Maori traditions probably relate to the translocation and cultivation of karaka within the New Zealand region, for which there is abundant anecdotal evidence. Karaka fruits were a valuable addition to the Maori diet and were likely to have functioned as a replacement for traditional Polynesian precedents and entailed a rigorous regime of steaming and soaking to rid the kernal of its toxic elements. There is data to suggest selection for fruit size and/or nutritional value in cultivated karaka populations. A database of karaka distribution was compiled and populations classified as �cultural� or �unknown� on the basis of spatial association with archaeological sites. Groves classed as cultural were assumed to be cultivated or translocated by pre-historic Maori. Lack of effective seed dispersal by birds and the longevity of the trees, mean that the contemporary distribution of karaka provides a reasonable template for the extent of its prehistoric translocation and cultivation within New Zealand. Karaka has a distinct cultural and natural biogeography. The greatest overlap between cultural and unknown trees occurred in the northern North Island while the majority of trees in the lower North Island, and all trees in the South Island were classed as cultural. Prior to the arrival of Polynesians in New Zealand, karaka was probably restricted in distribution to the Northland/Auckland region. Its natural range was then extended by human translocation and cultivation to the lower North Island, South Island, Kermadec Islands, Chatham Islands and many other in-shore islands off New Zealand. Climate variables were fitted to the distribution data and discriminant analysis used to further test the classification of karaka into cultural and unknown populations. Significant differences were found in climatic parameters between groups. Cultural karaka were found in enviroments with greater solar radiation seasonality, higher evaporative demands and greater soil moisture deficits than unknown karaka. The climate profile of karaka is biased towards the same environmental correlates of pa and pit site locations, further indicating that karaka was a cultivated tree crop. It is concluded that the importance and extent of karaka arboriculture, and probably that of other endemic tree species currently restricted to the northern North Island of cultural karaka is biased towards the same environmental correlates of pa and pit site locations, further indicating that karaka was a cultivated tree crop. The extensive translocation of karaka by Maori means that it has the potential, with the application of molecular methods, to serve as a marker for prehistoric settlement and mobility. Preliminary work was begun on this aspect and a predictive model is presented of the possible relationships within and between populations of karaka. It is concluded that the importance and extent of karaka arboriculture, and probably that of other endemic tree species, has previously been overlooked. This has implications for our view of certain plant communities as unmodified by humans, and provides an impetus to protect surface vegetation as an integral part of some prehistoric archaeological sites.

Aotearoa-New Zealand received Christianity as part of the colonial/missionary matrix of nineteenth century European expansion. Consequently the form and content of faith was largely shaped by factors distant both in geography and symbolic resonance. Christian theology maintains a cultural dissonance, particularly from an emergent Pakeha cultural indentity. The quest for contextualisation has become a familiar one in post-colonial societies, though not as vigorously pursued in Western nations as in other parts of the world. Only recently has attention been paid to the possibilities of local theologies in New Zealand. C.S. Song�s suggests �Perhaps a poet can tell us how we should go about theology�. In this he is pointing to the necessity of contextual theology using domestic cultural product as an important source for theological reflection, encapsulating as it does local history and experience. James K. Baxter, one of New Zealand�s finest poets, was also a Catholic and social critic. In the last years of his life particularly, the major part of his writing, both poetry and prose, was concerned with his vision of a Christian humanism which might make a practical difference in the immediate context. He established a community at the small settlement of Jerusalem beside the Whanganui River, where he sought to give tangible expression to a mixture of radical Christian acceptance and Maori spiritual values. This thesis examines Baxter�s contribution to the task of contextual theology. In particular, it draws on a great deal of unpublished prose material, until now largely unexamined, from the late period of his life. This, together with the wider body of his writings, is used to investigate his religious thought and movement within it. After an introductory and methodological chapter, the thesis examines Baxter�s categorisation of the fragmented and spiritually bereft nature of Pakeha existence. It then seeks to follow the major themes of his own powerfully articulated responses to this condition, in a series of chapters introduced with Maori terms; a cultural connection which was important to Baxter. The investigation uncovers a commitment to a Christian humanism that recognises the immanence of Christ, and a rather startling manifesto which parallels the approach of Liberation Theology in a distinctly New Zealand context. The survey of Baxter�s religious thought concludes with a critical reflection on his themes. A final chapter considers the contribution which Baxter makes toward the challenge of contextual theology. Considering the relationship between poetic reflection and theology, it stops short of classifying Baxter as a theologian. Rather the argument is advanced that he has provided vital raw material to the ongoing task of local theology; his role is one of �funding� contextual theology symbolically. Baxter is significant in the development of theology in Aotearoa-New Zealand, both for his contribution and his encouragement to further reflection.

This research engages critically with major public sector accountability theories in relation to the development of law centres in Aotearoa/New Zealand (and comparative international examples) focusing on the two centres in Otago, the Ngai Tahu Maori Law Centre and the Dunedin Community Law Centre. Definitions of accountability are argued to be embedded within theoretical discourses which produce definable models of accountability corresponding to these theoretical statements. Case studies of the discourses of both law centres and their funding bodies are described and contrasted in terms of their views of the role of law centres, interaction with various interest groups and their accountability relationships. The data identifies a desire of both community law centres to engage with a communitarian, �bottom-up�, model of accountability, in contrast to the former social democratic-bureaucratic and current liberal �stakeholder� and �contract� models of the official funding agencies. The current dominance of the liberal �stakeholder� discourse is seen as based on professional power, hierarchical legal structure and control of funding. It is argued that any shift in the dominance of power relationships surrounding community law centres in Aotearoa/New Zealand would entail a strengthening of ties and links with the community, through seeking alternative power supports, a participatory structure and locally controlled funding. Keywords: accountability; power relationships; community law centres; dominance; community.

The purpose of this thesis is to analyse the evolution of New Zealand�s Quota Management System (QMS) for marine fisheries. Analysis is performed using institutional theory and methodology. A broad review of institutional theory is made. In contrast to neoclassical economic theory, of which institutionalists have been a major voice of dissent, institutionalism stresses a holistic approach to policy analysis. An understanding of the the forces for institutional change and the structure of that change are the primary focus of institutionalism. An institutional framework for understanding the common pool nature of fishery resources is adopted. This highlights how the physical and technical characteristics of the resource and related decision-making arrangements influence the patterns of human interaction that determine the outcomes of a management regime such as the QMS. It is shown that the QMS was adopted in 1986 to address the biological crisis that had occurred because of past open access management policies. The fiscal crisis and the economic ideology prevailing at the time were also influential in promoting the QMS. The system was not able to be expanded as was intended because of a series of challenges from Maori disputing the Crown�s right to fishery resources. The Deed of Settlement signed in 1992, has supposedly settled Maori claims to commercial fisheries and allowed expansion of the QMS. Assessing the QMS using the institutional framework developed, showed the strong influence that neoclassical ideology has played in determining the outcomes achieved. Inadequate information concerning biophysical, social and economic implications of fishing constrain the ability of the QMS to successfully manage the resource. Inconsistencies and inadequacies in the legislation are only just being addressed as part of a comprehensive legislative review process. The future development of the QMS is also addressed in terms of the likelihood of cooperative common property management regimes being adopted. The common pool nature of the fisheries makes common property management regimes preferable. Cooperative community cultures are claimed by institutionalists to improve the outcomes achieved in common property regimes. There was considered, however, to be only limited potential for cooperation within the current institutional structure for New Zealand�s fisheries. Although the changes of the legislative review appear to be making some progressive changes, the diversity of interest groups and the prevailing western culture are seen as potential impediments to a comprehensive cooperative regime.

A land ethic within the built enviroment was examined from the perspective of the surveying community in New Zealand. The research followed a structure of context, interpretation and application; used legal analysis; and, sampled the ideologies of iwi liason officers, consultant surveyors, and local authorities. Context involved asking why a land ethic was being debated, by focusing on the current level of environmental thought, and on the actions of the International Federation of Surveyors (FIG) and the New Zealand Institute of Surveyors (NZIS). Some findings are: that terms such as sustainable management and nature are ambiguous cultural constructs; and, that the adoptation of an environmental policy by the NZIS continues to be a tortuous process. Interpretation involved asking what constituted a New Zealand ethic, by putting such an ethic into perspective in relation to ecophilosophy, and by searching for a contemporary sense of kaitiakitanga. Some findings are: that restraint and humility are requirements in any moral theory of nature; that kaitiakitanga is not dependent on title to land; and, that iwi liason officers are divided as to how kaitiakitanga applied to the built environment. Application involved suggesting how a land ethic could be invoked in the built environment, through the provision of green space in the form of local purpose reserves. Some findings are: that surveyors regard reserves as being significantly less vital to a community�s well-being than engineered services; and, that local authorities are not generally aware that reserve policies might have to be linked to municipal open space strategies. The broad conclusions are: that regardless of the environment that now exists, surveyors will be required to make moral choices about the environment that is sought; that a land ethic will not necessarily provide rational prescriptions directing action towards land; and, that there is inherent tension between land tenure, land use and a land ethic. Suggested avenues for further research include a comparative analysis of other landed professions; the empowerment of women within any land ethic; and, the use of content analysis as an alternative methodology.

Assessing the timing of seasonal movements by the prehistoric peoples of Otago has long been a problem in the archaeology of this region. The oxygen isotope ratio (18 o/16o) of mollusc shell carbonate is temperature dependent. By sampling successive increments of shell growth, palaeotemperature curves can be constructed to provide �season of death� estimates for individual shells. In this work carbonate samples from the blue mussel (Mytilus edulis) were used to estimate the seasonality of four prehistoric fishing sites. A total of 275 samples of shell material were analysed for carbon and oxygen isotope ratios at the Institute of Nuclear Sciences, Lower Hutt. Where fishing and shellfishing were important activities they were consistently associated with the winter season. A model of seasonal activity is presented for the Early part of the prehistoric period.

That a Maori problem existed in the North Island in the 1850�s and 1860�s, the inhabitants, both Maori and Pakeha agreed, but beyond that point there was very little agreement. What was the nature of the problem? Definitions were conflicting. Most Maoris saw the problem as one of survival, political and cultural, in their encounter with a foreign civilization determined upon their subjugation. They looked to the King Movement to prevent the European takeover which they apprehended would destroy their, independence and way of life. To the average colonist, on the other hand, the problem represented the Maoris themselves: their very existence in the country which he had come to settle; their claimed ownership of the land which he wanted to farm; their inconvenient (to him) system of land tenure, which rendered purchase difficult; their ignorance and disregard of the laws and customs which governed his society. The solution, in his view, was to detribalize the Maoris, make them obedient to his rule, and individualize or partition their communally owned land in order to facilitate his gaining possession of it. He desired colonial control of native affairs so that such a policy might be put into effect, but was unwilling to assume full responsibility lest Britain should leave the colony to bear the entire burden of its own defence against the potentially hostile tribes. The Ministers of the Imperial Government were concerned with yet other aspects of the same problem - observing the Treaty of Waitangi and protecting the Queen�s Maori subjects from injustice without obstructing the progress of colonization; keeping the peace between two cultural groups whose interests were often antagonistic; upholding British law and sovereignty. A difficult enough task, but one rendered still more difficult by the growing reluctance of the British taxpayer to foot the bill. Finally, the Governor, the man who had to find some way to resolve these conflicting aims and desires, faced his own particular dilemmas. How much responsibility should he accept for native affairs? How much control should he allow the Colonial Ministry to arrogate to itself. What interpretation should he place on the Treaty of Waitangi with respect to the rights of chiefs and the sovereignty of the Queen? By what means could he "civilize" the Maoris and bring about their assimilation into colonial society? Should he impose or persuade, legislate, educate, or conquer by force of arms? How was he to obtain the finance and power necessary to carry out any policy successfully? This thesis is an attempt to survey the many facets of a cultural and political relationship under stress and to examine, explain and comment upon the plans and attempts of various groups and individual leaders to adjust that relationship to coincide with their own conception of what was necessary and right -- Preface.

Summary: Implemented in 2003, the TVNZ Charter is a one-page document that outlines the broadcaster�s objectives to deliver programming that represents New Zealand�s ethnically and socially diverse population. This thesis will examine issues surrounding the representation of diversity especially in the context of the state-commercial television network. Using the notion of �cultural citizenship�, or the demand from minority groups within a society to be represented and included in the institutions of the state, I will examine how TVNZ is attempting to meaningfully represent New Zealand as a bicultural society and a multicultural society, while remaining commercially focused. This thesis argues that institutions of the state, of which the media is the most visible and, possibly, the most pervasive, always function as a tool of society�s dominant culture, therefore any bicultural or multicultural inclusion represented on TVNZ will always be controlled, and be at the discretion, of that singular dominant cultural force.

The concept of cultural safety arose in Aotearoa me Te Waipounamu/New Zealand in the late 1980�s in response to the differential health experience and negative health outcomes of the first nation people of Aotearoa me Te Waipounamu/New Zealand, the New Zealand Maori. It was introduced and developed by Maori nurses initially, as they recognised the effect culture had on health and understood safety as a common nursing concept. The concept of cultural safety has developed into a disipline which is taught as part of all nursing and midwifery curricula in Aotearoa me Te Waipounamu/New Zealand. As cultural safety has developed the concept of culture has been extended to include people who differ from the nurse by reason of: age, migrant status, sexual preference, socioeconomic status, religious persuasion, gender, ethnicity, and in Aotearoa me Te Waipounamu/New Zealand, the Treaty of Waitangi status of the nurse and recipient/s of her/his care. Nationally and internationally, health experience and health outcomes are poorer for people of minority group status than for people who are part of the dominant group. Public-health research is therefore generally conducted on, or with, people with minority group status. Public-health researchers, by education, are members of the dominant culture and may be unaware that their own and their clients; responses may relate to one/other or both cultures being diminished do not always ensure the safety of their own culture or the culture being researched. This study�s objective was to develop a flexible, culturally safe public health research framework for researches to use when researching people who are culturally different from themselves. The study will argue that the use of such a framework will contribute significantly to improved health outcomes for people with minority status and will assist the movement towards emancipatory social change. The methods undertaken included: gaining permission from Irihapeti Ramsden, the architect of cultural safety to undertake the research, conducting a literature review, consideration of primary sources and their key concepts, consulting widely with people in the field of public health and cultural safety, self reflecting on the writers own personal and professional experience and finally designing the culturally safe public health research framework.