A land ethic within the built enviroment was examined from the perspective of the surveying community in New Zealand. The research followed a structure of context, interpretation and application; used legal analysis; and, sampled the ideologies of iwi liason officers, consultant surveyors, and local authorities. Context involved asking why a land ethic was being debated, by focusing on the current level of environmental thought, and on the actions of the International Federation of Surveyors (FIG) and the New Zealand Institute of Surveyors (NZIS). Some findings are: that terms such as sustainable management and nature are ambiguous cultural constructs; and, that the adoptation of an environmental policy by the NZIS continues to be a tortuous process. Interpretation involved asking what constituted a New Zealand ethic, by putting such an ethic into perspective in relation to ecophilosophy, and by searching for a contemporary sense of kaitiakitanga. Some findings are: that restraint and humility are requirements in any moral theory of nature; that kaitiakitanga is not dependent on title to land; and, that iwi liason officers are divided as to how kaitiakitanga applied to the built environment. Application involved suggesting how a land ethic could be invoked in the built environment, through the provision of green space in the form of local purpose reserves. Some findings are: that surveyors regard reserves as being significantly less vital to a community�s well-being than engineered services; and, that local authorities are not generally aware that reserve policies might have to be linked to municipal open space strategies. The broad conclusions are: that regardless of the environment that now exists, surveyors will be required to make moral choices about the environment that is sought; that a land ethic will not necessarily provide rational prescriptions directing action towards land; and, that there is inherent tension between land tenure, land use and a land ethic. Suggested avenues for further research include a comparative analysis of other landed professions; the empowerment of women within any land ethic; and, the use of content analysis as an alternative methodology.

The Treaty of Waitangi specifically recognises the rights of Maori to control and manage their fisheries resources. However, since the imposition of fisheries legislation in New Zealand, this right has been consistently eroded. It is only recently that Maori customary fisheries rights have been given a degree of recognition in New Zealand�s fisheries management regime. The taiapure provisions of the Fisheries Act 1996 are one of the few policy initiatives available for Maori to manage their fisheries resources in accordance with their customary tikanga. This study examines the effectiveness of the taiapure legislation in providing for Maori customary fisheries management. The Maketu taiapure in the Bay of Plenty is studied to analyse the implementation of the initiative at the local level. The study has found that there are limitations inherent in the legislation and that these are further complicated by inadequacies in its implementation. Recommendations regarding the size, management and establishment process, are made at the conclusion of the study to highlight the amendments needed for the taiapure provisions to properly recognise and provide for the role of Maori, as Treaty partners, in the management of their local fisheries.

The process dealing with the resolution of Treaty claims considers a lot of information pertaining to real-world resources - spatial information. This study seeks to identify and suggest solutions for spatial information problems within the present claims process. This leads to a formal systems model of the present claims process emphasising the use of spatial information. An informal understanding of the claims process is then formed by analysing perceptions of actors within the claims process, thus allowing spatial information problems to be identified. Further analysis of the spatial information problems identifies causes, enabling possible solutions to be developed. Lastly, a solution is proposed and discussed as a means of highlighting other possible solutions to the spatial information problems identified by the study.

The importance of marine versus terrestrial foods in prehistoric Pacific and New Zealand diets, and the adaptation of the Polynesian diet to new enviroments, is examined through the analysis of the ratios in human bone of the stable isotopes of carbon, nitrogen and sulphur. In particular, this study seeks to obtain quantitative information which could provide answers to five main questions, relating to the subsistence focus of the early Lapita colonists in the Pacific, the significance of suger cane in the diets of early Pacific populations, the proportions of reef versus open ocean and terrestrial versus marine foods in these diets, and the identification of populations with pronounced marine or pronounced terrestrial diets. One hundred and nineteen samples of human bone from 13 sites throughtout the Pacific and New Zealand were processed. Nitrogen values were obtained directly from bone powder, while carbon values were determined from collagen produced by digesting bone powder in phosphoric acid. Sulphur evaluations were determined from a BaSo⁴ precipitate, produced after combustion of the collagen samples in a Parr bomb. Interpretation of results is approached from a comparative point of view, which enables the proportions of marine and terrestrial foods in the diets of each study group to be assessed in relation to the diets of all the other groups. Additional information on the composition of the diets is gained by comparing the stable isotope values obtained in this study with published values of other human populations, and of marine and terrrestrial plants and animals. The potential of stable isotope analysis to identify the composition of prehistoric New Zealand and Pacific diets is confirmed. A unique marine adaptation is revealed from the analysis of the Chatham Islands Moriori who appear to have focused almost exclusively on marine resources. In contrast, a highly terrestrial diet is suggested for groups from Nebira in Papua New Guinea and Lake Rotoiti in New Zealand.

Assessing the timing of seasonal movements by the prehistoric peoples of Otago has long been a problem in the archaeology of this region. The oxygen isotope ratio (18 o/16o) of mollusc shell carbonate is temperature dependent. By sampling successive increments of shell growth, palaeotemperature curves can be constructed to provide �season of death� estimates for individual shells. In this work carbonate samples from the blue mussel (Mytilus edulis) were used to estimate the seasonality of four prehistoric fishing sites. A total of 275 samples of shell material were analysed for carbon and oxygen isotope ratios at the Institute of Nuclear Sciences, Lower Hutt. Where fishing and shellfishing were important activities they were consistently associated with the winter season. A model of seasonal activity is presented for the Early part of the prehistoric period.

That a Maori problem existed in the North Island in the 1850�s and 1860�s, the inhabitants, both Maori and Pakeha agreed, but beyond that point there was very little agreement. What was the nature of the problem? Definitions were conflicting. Most Maoris saw the problem as one of survival, political and cultural, in their encounter with a foreign civilization determined upon their subjugation. They looked to the King Movement to prevent the European takeover which they apprehended would destroy their, independence and way of life. To the average colonist, on the other hand, the problem represented the Maoris themselves: their very existence in the country which he had come to settle; their claimed ownership of the land which he wanted to farm; their inconvenient (to him) system of land tenure, which rendered purchase difficult; their ignorance and disregard of the laws and customs which governed his society. The solution, in his view, was to detribalize the Maoris, make them obedient to his rule, and individualize or partition their communally owned land in order to facilitate his gaining possession of it. He desired colonial control of native affairs so that such a policy might be put into effect, but was unwilling to assume full responsibility lest Britain should leave the colony to bear the entire burden of its own defence against the potentially hostile tribes. The Ministers of the Imperial Government were concerned with yet other aspects of the same problem - observing the Treaty of Waitangi and protecting the Queen�s Maori subjects from injustice without obstructing the progress of colonization; keeping the peace between two cultural groups whose interests were often antagonistic; upholding British law and sovereignty. A difficult enough task, but one rendered still more difficult by the growing reluctance of the British taxpayer to foot the bill. Finally, the Governor, the man who had to find some way to resolve these conflicting aims and desires, faced his own particular dilemmas. How much responsibility should he accept for native affairs? How much control should he allow the Colonial Ministry to arrogate to itself. What interpretation should he place on the Treaty of Waitangi with respect to the rights of chiefs and the sovereignty of the Queen? By what means could he "civilize" the Maoris and bring about their assimilation into colonial society? Should he impose or persuade, legislate, educate, or conquer by force of arms? How was he to obtain the finance and power necessary to carry out any policy successfully? This thesis is an attempt to survey the many facets of a cultural and political relationship under stress and to examine, explain and comment upon the plans and attempts of various groups and individual leaders to adjust that relationship to coincide with their own conception of what was necessary and right -- Preface.

The Maori people - those Polynesians who moved to the cooler islands of New Zealand - possessed a mythology that matched their own great qualities. They had a myth of the Creation that rivals Genesis in beauty, a pantheon of gods and heroes who can be mentioned in the same breath as those of the Greeks, and a store of splendid tribal histories, half factual, half fabulous, ... These are the opening lines of the Preface to a recently published selection of Maori myths and legends in translation: they indicate how strongly many modern New Zealanders are attracted to the various forms of Maori literature. But this is no new phenomen. For the receptive Pakeha mind has been fascinated by Maori mythology since the very beginnings of European settlement in New Zealand. Indeed, if anything, the magnetic appeal of Maori myth and legend was probably most evident in the earliest years of intercultural contact. Thomas Kendall was one of the first missionaries to work among the Maori people. Unlike most of his fellow-evangelists, Kendall determined to study and so understand the religion and customs of his adopted flock. Unfortunately, this �tragic, Faustian figure� was soon out of his depth. Kendall wrote, I am now, after a long, anxious, and painful study, arriving at the very foundation and groundwork of the cannibalism and superstitions of these islanders. All their notions are metaphysical, and I have been so poisoned withh the apparent sublimity of their ideas that I have been almost completely turned from a Christian to a heathen. Another early missionary, Richard Taylor, also studied Maori beliefs in depth. But Taylor, though he felt impelled by his inter-course with the Maori to write a long and influential treatise on his interpretation of Maoritanga, did manage to retain a degree of scholarly objectivity towards his subject. Yet even so, Taylor acknowledges in his treatise that, The Maori mythology is extremely interesting, and quite different from what we should expect from a people sunk in barbarism. ... Their ideas in some respects are not so puerile, as those even of the more civilized heathens of old, and without the light of inspiration, could not be expected to be more advanced. Nor were secular scholars immune to "Maori fever." Sir George Grey wrote of the Maori that � their traditions are puerile� and their �religious faith ... is absurd�. Yet during the eight years that he was Governor of the nascent colony of New Zealand in a period of constant interracial stress, Grey devoted a great deal of what little spare time he had to the collection and publication of the myths and legends, and �the ancient traditional poems, religious chants, and songs, of the Maori race�-- Introduction. Four poets are considered: Alfred Domett (1811-1887), Arthur Henry Adams (1872-1936), Jessie Mackay (1864-1938), Blanche E. Baughan (1870-1958).

Summary: In European judgment the Maoris of New Zealand are the finest of the Polynesians. The intelligence, courage and dignity of the Maori leaders have won the admiration of those who have met them in council or in the field. Their virtues have been extolled by able writers in the past and if to-day the average Maori appears to have fallen from the high standard set by an earlier generation, then that is all the more reason for turning back a hundred years to the days when the Maoris lived and fought as they pleased, when a chief was a chief, and a toa (warrior) played the part expected of him. New Zealand history does not go back so far that we can afford to pass over the Maori part of it. This is especially true of that section which refers to the period immediately preceding definite European settlement. Modern man is keenly interested in the past and research is being made into the histories of all races. Maori history is of great interest to the New Zealander, partly because it is the history of the land of his birth and partly because of its inherent epic qualities.

Summary: Although a good deal of information is available about the Maoris of New Zealand, concerning their origin, customs, and culture, yet statistical data regarding their actual numbers at any time before 1857 are comparatively rare. It is a fact that the Maori population in any given locality was a fluctuating one and that their distribution in general was very variable and this constitutes a formidable difficulty in making any estimate of their numbers before the first cenus. A second obstacle is the difficulty of travel which faced the early European explorers. For example, when Cook visited New Zealand, he made an estimate of the population but it was largely conjectural as Cook saw the natives at only those places he touched around the coast, and had in fact no means of estimating what proportion of the total population those communities formed. Actually the Maoris were not confined to the coastline, and therefore Cook�s estimate cannot be regarded as based on adequate data. An evaluation of his estimate will be made later--Chapter 1.

Summary: Maniototo, one of the fourteen counties of Otago, gained its name from the Maniototo Plain which makes up the greater part of the County. Mr W.H. Sherwood Roberts believes that the spelling of Manioto is not correct. "Toto" means blood, but the dictionaries do not give "manio". Instead "mania" means plain and the name should therefore be spelt Mania-o-toto, Plain of Blood, or simply Maniatoto. One old Maori told His Honour Mr. Justice Chapman that Maniatoto was the name of the Serpentine valley and that the plain was O Tu Rehua. When the name of Rough Ridge railway station was changed in 1908 to Oturehua, the explanation given was that a battle had been fought there in some distant period, the name of the victorious greenstone club Oturehua. The name, however, may mean the last resting place of Rehua, one of the most powerful of ancient Maori deities. On being questioned in 1890 by Mr. McPherson, M.P., Maori members of Parliament said that Oturehua is a very suitable substitution for Rough Ridge, for it means, in Old Maori, [sic]" a noble rugged eminence, worthy of being the standing place from which the commands of the great god Rehua might be given". It would appear that this poetic explanation must be the accepted one. Similarly the legend of the battle of ancient times must be the origin of the name Maniatoto, or Maniototo. Both spellings occur in official and unofficial reports from earlist times until 1877, when the county was instituted and the spelling fixed.