Aim: This thesis reports the outcomes of a study designed to explore whether and how ethical and responsive interviewing of children in care with varying levels of sensitivity to topics that may threaten their felt security can be achieved. Background: Children come into care with a complex array of developmental challenges. They have often experienced maltreatment, loss and disrupted attachment relationships. Little is known about the effects of interviewing children in care with varying sensitivity to questioning strategies designed to measure felt security and their perceptions of being in care. Methods: The present study was iteratively designed using an exploratory mixed qualitative design. Children’s reports (N= 12) were collected using a series of iteratively designed interview methodologies supplemented by information provided by their kinship carers. Results: The following factors influence the comfort experiences of children in care: interviewer skill, interviewer and child role, child competence (perceived and real), child characteristics, external factors, ethical factors and the interview methods. The potential influence of mental health status and age were less clear. Factors related to felt insecurity were: relational, self-perceived competence and confidentiality related factors. The maintenance of the comfort experience of children in care when interviewing, cuts across many dimensions of the research context including relational, performance and methodological aspects. Children engaged in strategies to mediate their comfort, this was somewhat reliant on the methodologies and interviewer competency. Overall acceptable levels of comfort were reported to be maintained over the span of the research process. Conclusions: Children in care have vulnerabilities that need to be addressed when including them in research. Careful consideration to the design of studies and interview methodologies will ensure children in care can participate in protective research environments. The benefits to this are reflected in the gathering of quality data which can contribute to the timely provision of the appropriate services for children in care. The present study findings provide guidance for future research involving children in various types of alternate care.

The primary aim of this thesis Me he korokoro kōmako [‘With the throat of a bellbird’] is to demonstrate the existence of a distinctive Māori aesthetic in Māori literature written in English. Its introductory section, of three chapters, investigates the ways in which mainstream critical discourse in various ways appropriates Māori literature to its own Western-derived models of meaning and values, and proposes instead a definition of a Māori aesthetic grounded in the principle of whakapapa, whose whole cultural components for Māori literature include distinctive textual functions for myth, orality, acts of naming, other aspects of language, and symbolism. The concept of whakapapa also provides the organizing principle and methodology of the central chapters of the thesis, which are divided into two Parts – each of six chapters. These are framed by a Prologue and Epilogue, whose subject is the profound cultural symbolism of the waka in the work of a founding figure for Māori writing in English, Jacqueline Sturm, and in Star Waka, by a major later writer in English, Robert Sullivan. Part One devotes three chapters each to the adult fiction of one female writer, Patricia Grace (Potiki and Baby No-Eyes), and one male writer, Witi Ihimaera (The Matriarch). Part Two, following the principle of whakapapa, devotes six chapters to Māori literature for children. Its primary text is the major anthology of such writing – Te Ara O Te Hau: The Path of the Wind, Volume 4 of Te Ao Mārama, edited by Witi Ihimaera, with Haare Williams, Irihapeti Ramsden and D.S. Long. It grounds its reading of the volume’s many texts (literary and visual, in Māori and in English) in the many distinctive cultural behaviours and meanings attached to the figure of Māui. Each of the authors and texts has been chosen in order to study and exemplify a particular aspect of the Māori aesthetic defined in the Introduction, through close readings which draw strongly on the work of major Māori social historians, authors of iwi histories and genealogies, and interpreters of cultural meanings attaching to the natural worlds, and recent work on literary stylistics by Geoffrey Leech and others. It also draws on conversations with numerous Māori informants, including some of the authors discussed. The readings are designed to reveal the rich, culturally contextualised knowledges which Māori readers bring to the texts, and which their authors share and invoke through their deployment of the values and practices of whakapapa. While such representations and explorations of self offer new interpretive possibilities for Pākehā readers, they are also part of a global movement in which indigenous peoples engage in the politics of decolonisation from a position of strength, the stance of self-knowledge. E kore e hekeheke he kākano rangatira Our ancestors will never die for they live on in each of us. / Whole document restricted, but available by request, use the feedback form to request access.

This thesis provides a Marxist analysis of the political economy of contemporary Maori protest politics in the years from 1968 to 1995. It is argued that Maori protest politics embraces a range of competing political ideologies, which are informed by different assumptions about the causes of Maori inequality in wider society, and in turn, different sets of strategies for ameliorating and transcending that inequality. Overall, the thesis has two central concerns: firstly, it identifies the critical economic, political and ideological conditions and context that have allowed particular competing political ideologies and strategies to dominate contemporary Maori protest politics. This involves a particular focus on understanding and explaining the rise of identity politics and cultural nationalism as the dominant political strategy within Maori protest politics. This involves a particular focus on understanding and explaining the rise of identity politics and cultural nationalism as the dominant political strategy within Maori protest politics. Secondly, the thesis critically assesses the effectiveness of contemporary Maori struggles against racism and oppression on the basis of whether they involve, or are likely to contribute towards, the transformation of the generative structures that give rise to manifest inequalities between Maori and non-Maori. It is argued that the systematic alienation of land and the inequality that exists between Maori and non-Maori are not simply the result of the underlying cultural values of individual non-Maori but are rather the result of the historical process of capitalist development in Aotearoa and the economic, political and ideological requirements necessary for the generalised commodification of indigenous labour-power. The thesis explores how the politics and practice of Maori protest has been shaped and influenced to a large extent by the underlying social, economic, political and ideological forces of global capitalism. It is argued that the international collapse of the long boom, the global upturn in class struggle and the emergence of the New Left internationally from the late 1960s had an enormous influence on the political direction of Maori protest in the New Zealand context. The success of the working class offensive and the growing political influence of rank and file Maori workers ensured that Maori protest groups formed part of the progressive social movements of the time. Indeed, although some were explicitly nationalist in their orientation, these movements were consciously part of the Left. The balance of political forces within the Maori protest movement changed considerably during the late 1970s and early 1980s with the rise of the New Right as a political force internationally together with the rise of employer militancy, the defeat and demoralization of the working class movement internationally, the decline of the social movements and the absence of mass struggle. This had important implications for the influence of the various ideological factions that co-existed uneasily in the Maori political milieu from the early 1970s onwards. The downturn in militant mass struggle saw the rise in the influence of identity politics as cultural nationalist strategies came to dominate Maori protest politics, representing a fundamental retreat from Left-wing ideas. In practice this entailed a rejection of the class politics and mass struggle that had informed the politics and strategies of Maori protest groups from the late 1960s, and its replacement with a politics of cross-class alliances and a personal rejection of �Pakeha society�. In practice this was a recipe for passivity and divisiveness within the Maori protest movement itself. The politics of cultural nationalism left Maori ill-equipped to resist the ruling class counter-offensive and the anti-working class policies that successive governments introduced to restore the conditions for profitable capital accumulation. In particular, the rejection of a class analysis of Maori inequality in capitalist society has undermined the capacity of working class Maori to resist the neo-liberal agenda and a Treaty of Waitangi settlement process that has resulted in a substantial shift in resources to those sections of Maori society already wealthy and powerful. Although the settlement process represented an important concession by the state, it has never compensated for the anti-working class policies of governments since 1984, which have widened the social and economic inequalities in New Zealand society. In this way, the emphasis on cultural identity alone as the determining factor in Maori oppression has been counter-productive for working class Maori as successive governments shifted the costs of the economic crisis on to the weakest sections of the community. As New Zealand entered a new period of economic and social crisis in the 1990s, the commercial interests of Maori tribal executives, Maori corporate enterprises, and the Maori bureaucracy were clearly at odds with the material interests of the vast majority of working class Maori families. This fundamental conflict in class interests was to set the scene for a revival of militancy on scale not seen since the 1970s.

Since the 1980s, there has been an increasing emphasis on drama, in live theatre and on film, which re-addresses the ways in which the post-colonial histories of Australia and New Zealand have been written. Why is there such a focus on �historical� drama in these countries at the end of the twentieth century and what does this drama contribute to wider debates about post-colonial history? This thesis aims both to explore the connections between drama and history, and to analyse the interface between live and recorded drama. In order to discuss these issues, I have used the work of theatre and film critics and historians, supplemented by reference to writers working in the field of post-colonial and performance theory. In particular, I have utilised the methods of Helen Gilbert and Joanne Tompkins in Post-Colonial Drama: Theory, Practice, Politics, beginning with their claim that in the post-colonial situation history has been seen to determine reality itself. I have also drawn on theorists such as Michel Foucault, Linda Hutcheon and Guy Debord who question the �truth� value of official history-writing and emphasize the role of representation in determining popular perceptions of the past. This discussion is developed through reference to contemporary performance theory, particularly the work of Richard Schechner and Marvin Carlson, in order to suggest that there is no clear separation between performance and reality, and that access to history is only possible through re-enactments of it, whether in written or performative forms. Chapter One is a survey of the development of �historical� drama in theatre and film from New Zealand and Australia. This includes discussion of the diverse cultural and performative traditions which influence this drama, and establishment of the critical methodologies to be used in the thesis. Chapter Two examines four plays which are intercultural re-writings of canonical texts from the European dramatic tradition. In this chapter I analyse the formal and thematic strategies in each of these plays in relation to the source texts, and ask to what extent they function as canonical counter-discourse by offering a critique of the assumptions of the earlier play from a post-colonial perspective. The potential of dramatic representation in forming perceptions of reality has made it an attractive forum for Maori and Aboriginal artists, who are creating theatre which has both a political and a pedagogical function. This discussion demonstrates that much of the impetus towards historiographic drama in both countries has come from Maori and Aboriginal writers and directors working in collaboration with white practitioners. Such collaborations not only advance the project of historiographic drama, but also may form the basis of future theatre practice which departs from the Western tradition and is unique to each of New Zealand and Australia. In Chapter Three I explore the interface between live and recorded performance by comparing plays and films which dramatise similar historical material. I consider the relative effectiveness of theatre and film as media for historiographic critique. I suggest that although film often has a greater cultural impact than theatre, to date live theatre has been a more accessible form of expression for Maori and Aboriginal writers and directors. Furthermore, following theorists such as Brecht and Brook, I argue that such aspects as the presence of the live performer and the design of the physical space shared by actors and audience give theatre considerable potential for creating an immediate engagement with historiographic themes. In Chapter Four, I discuss two contrasting examples of recorded drama in order to highlight the potential of film and television as media for historiographic critique. I question the divisions between the documentary and dramatic genres, and use Derrida�s notion of play to suggest that there is a constant slippage between the dramatic and the real, between the past and the present. In Chapter Five, I summarize the arguments advanced in previous chapters, using the example of the national museum of New Zealand, Te Papa Tongarewa, to illustrate that the �performance� of history has become part of popular culture. Like the interactive displays at Te Papa, the texts studied in this thesis demonstrate that dramatic representation has the potential to re-define perceptions of historical �reality�. With its superior capacity for creating illusion, film is a dynamic medium for exploring the imaginative process of history is that in the live performance the spectator symbolically comes into the presence of the past.

This thesis examines how cultural heritage policies are developed in New Zealand. Cultural heritage symbolises the development of a society, illustrating past events and changing customs and values. Because of its significance, the government has accepted responsibility for protecting cultural heritage, and has developed a number of institutions and a variety of policies to address this responsibility. It is important to understand how the goverment uses these mechanisms to protect cultural heritage, and the subsequent relationships that have developed between actors in the cultural heritage area. These will have an impact on the effectiveness of the policy which is developed. Cultural heritage is treasured by society for a number of reasons, but as social attitudes change, so does the treatment of cultural heritage. It is re-defined, re-interpreted and used to promote a sense of pride in the commmunity. This manipulation extends to policy making. Since the 1980s, the government has influenced, and been influenced by, two major social changes. There has been an introduction of free market principles such as rationalisation, competition and fiscal responsibility into the New Zealand economy and political structure. These principles have been applied to cultural heritage and consequently cultural heritage is treated as a commodity. As the result of changing attitudes towards the treatment of the Maori and Maori resources, there has been a movement towards implementing biculturalism. This has meant a re-evaluation of how Maori taonga is treated, particularly of the ways Maori cultural heritage has been used to promote a sense of New Zealandness. There are several major actors involved in cultural heritage policy making - government, policy units, cultural heritage organisations and local authorities. Central government is the dominant force in the political process, with control over the distribution of resources and the responsibilities assigned to other actors. Because the use of market principles and movement towards biculturalism have been embraced at the central government level, other actors in the policy making process are also expected to adopt them. Policy units develop options to fit with the government�s general economic and political agenda. The structures adopted for the public service are designed to encompass market principles, particularly the efficient use of resources and competitiveness. While cultural heritage organisations may influence the government�s agenda through lobbying and information-sharing, they are limited by issues such as funding and statutory requirements. Government has shifted many responsibilities to the regions, but while territorial authorities are influenced by the concerns of their communities, they are also subject to directions from the government. The process and structures which have been outlined do not contribute to an effective policy making system. The use of market principles to direct cultural heritage protection tends to encourage uneven and inconsistent policies, both at national and local levels. The range of cultural heritage definitions used by government agencies also promotes inconsistency. Cultural heritage is encompassed in a large number of government departments and ministries, which makes the co-ordination funding by meeting required �outputs� and the government�s requirement of fiscal responsibility. This is not appropriate language for cultural heritage, which should not have to be rationalised as an economic good. Although the government has devolved a number of responsibilities and territorial authorities have a variety of mechanisms available to protect cultural heritage, there is no nation-wide criteria for territorial involvement. Because of regional differences there is an uneven treatment of cultural heritage. Those policies developed by territorial authorities will also be influenced by the government�s economic direction. Organisations supported by the Dunedin City Council, for example, must also provide budgets and strategic plans which fit with Council�s fiscal objectives.

This thesis investigates the participation of Maori (New Zealand�s indigenous people) in the impact assessment process. Traditionally, Maori have had limited involvement in the management of New Zealand�s environment. One possible solution to this could be through the adoption of a collaborative management framework. Unfortunately, there is limited information and research on tools that could facilitate collaborative management between iwi and applicants for resource consent (including, developers, planning consultants and local authorities). Therefore, this research attempts to fill in a gap in current literature and to investigate the potential of the cultural impact assessment as a tool for collaborative management. Despite some criticisms of collaborative management, there are examples where this form of communicative planning has resulted in a very positive outcome for indigenous groups. Therefore, the specific aim of this research is to analyse the extent to which cultural impact assessments can be used as a tool to promote collaborative management between iwi and applicants. In achieving the research objectives of the thesis, the theoretical background of collaborative management and impact assessment theories are explored. In addition, democracy and participation theories are also investigated. In particular, in the discussion of these theories emphasis is placed on the potential involvement of indigenous peoples. The thesis argues that the application of collaborative management via the use of cultural impact assessments may potentially increase Maori involvement in planning. Analysis of collaborative management and impact assessment theories is supported by empirical research. This includes; 1) an exploration of the New Zealand setting for the two theories, 2) a content analysis of cultural impact assessments from eight different iwi authority in New Zealand, and 3) a case study analysis of two iwi organizations that have an established system for undertaking cultural impact assessments (Kai Tahu ki Otago and the Wellington Tenths Trust). The research finds that cultural impact assessments are very similar to other impact assessment reports. However, they should be viewed as evolving documents, as there are some areas of the assessment process that need to be improved upon. The research concludes by suggesting that cultural impact assessments do have the potential to be a tool for collaborative management between iwi and applicants. Further research and education in relation to the content, value and process of cultural impact assessments is required. It is also argued that increased resourcing, training and legislative requirements are needed to further increase Maori participation in planning.

The ambivalence of many prehistorians toward curio collections has meant that, although they recognise some of their shortcomings, they nevertheless use collections as if they had qualities of archaeological assemblages. In this dissertation it is posited and then demonstrated that curio collections are very different entities to archaeological assemblages. In order to use collections in valid constructions of New Zealand�s pre-European past, the processes that led to their formation need to be understood. It is only then that issues of representation can be addressed. In order to better understand the collecting process, a study of the activity of 24 curio collectors who operated in the Murihiku region of southern New Zealand during the period between 1865 and 1975 was undertaken. The study was structured about two key notions: the idea of the �filter� and the idea that tools and ornaments have a �life history� that extends from the time that raw material was selected for the manufacture to the present. The notion of the filter made possible a determination of the effects of particular behaviours on patterns of collector selectivity and the extent and nature of provenance recording; and the extended concept of life history recognised that material culture functions in multiple cultural and chronological contexts-within both indigenous and post-contact spheres. Examination of the collecting process led to the identification of five curio collecting paradigms: curio collecting for the acquisition of social status, curio collecting for financial return, curio collecting as an adjunct to natural history collecting, curio collecting as an adjunct to historical recording, and ethnological or culture-area curio collecting. Filtering processes associated with each paradigm resulted in particular, but not always distinctive, patterns of curio selectivity and styles of provenance recording. A switch in the focus of attention from examination of curio collectng processes generally to the study of the filtering processes that shaped collections from a specific archaeological site-the pre-European Otago Peninsula site of Little Papanui (J44/1)- enabled some evaluation of individuual collection representation. A database recording up to 19 attributes for each of 6282 curios localised to �Little Papanui� in Otago Museum enabled 31 dedicated or �ardent� collectors who operated at the site to be identified. These 31 dedicated collectors were grouped according to the paradigm that best described their collecting behaviour. It was found that the greater proportion of these dedicated collectors (n=12, 39%) had been influenced by the ethnological or culture-area collecting paradigm. These 12 collectors were responsible for recovering a remarkable 5645 curios or nearly ninety-percent (89.86%) of the meta-collection. Because curio collections lack meaningfully recorded stratigraphic provenance, it is the technological and social context in which tools and ornaments functioned that must become the focus of curio collection studies. Appropriate studies of technological and social and context focus upon evaluations of raw material sourcing, evaluations of manufacture technique and assessments of tool and ornament use and reuse (and integrative combinations of these modes of study). These sorts of evaluation require large collections compiled in the least selective manner possible and the collections need to be reliably localised to specific sites. Collections compiled by the ethnological or culture-area collectors have these qualities. Collections compiled within other paradigms lack locality information and were assembled in highly selective manners.

Communitarianism is an internationally contentious anti-liberal theory which is becoming increasingly popular in political philosophy. It commonly is employed to motivate and legitimate �identity politics� - a politics which is used to defend the rights of disadvantaged aboriginal minorities to maintain their traditional ways. Recently �identity politics� has been exploited in mainstream poltical/educational academic literature in New Zealand, especially in literature that deals with Maori issues. This is significant because in the recent history of New Zealand, liberal political theory has been dominant. Notions of rights and of fairness are fundamental to communitarianism and to liberalism, but communitarians and liberals hold very different ideas about what these notions involve. My PhD thesis compares their ideas and relates them to New Zealand. It views certain social and political issues in New Zealand, by way of liberal and then communitarian theories. It examines how liberalism and communitarianism have been, and can be, used to support and to legitimate particular policies and practices in terms of �fairness� and �justice�. My work considers the explanatory and the practical application of communitarianism and liberalism with respect to their conceptions of human nature, political ideals, rights and rationality. It defends liberalism against the communities the protections they �need� in order to flourish. With respect to New Zealand it recognises that Maori have been treated unjustly by the crown, but argues that much of the injustice happened, not because of liberalism, but because liberal values were not upheld. The thesis concludes that liberalism is better equipped than communitarianism to describe Maori and Pakeha relations, and to formulate a framework for positive and constructive trans-cultural policies that will respect both Maori and Pakeha cultures.

This thesis describes the sections in the Resource Management Act 1991 of particular relevance for nga Iwi Maori and assesses how well these facilitate involvement for Maori in the management of New Zealand�s resources. The method of assessment used is one of comparison between the schemes and philosophies of 1991 Act, and the active involvement of Maori in decision-making for their resources which is requires by Article ii of the Treaty of Waitangi (Te Tiriti o Waitangi). Part i describes the Maori world view of the environment and outlines the Treaty of Waitangi and its relevance to resource management law. Part ii describes the purpose and principles contained in sections 5, 6(e), 7(a), and 8 of the 1991 Act. Chapter Three provides an overview of the relationship between the purpose and principles. Chapter Four discusses the purpose in section 5 and proclaims that the inclusion of sustainability as a purpose in resource management legislation is advantageous in terms of the indirect furtherance of Maori conservation aspirations for the enviroment. It also describes how the cultural wellbeing of Maori has been interpreted to be an express part of the purpose of the Act. Chapter Five provides an analysis of section 6(e) which makes the relationship of Maori and their culture and traditions with their taonga a matter of national importance under the Act. Chapter Six describes section 7(a) and kaitiakitanga which must be given particular regard under the Act. Chapter Seven discusses section 8 and the content and meaning of the principles of the Treaty of Waitangi. Part ii concludes that while the facilitation of Maori involvement in the management and protection of natural and physical resources is improved under this Act, these sections are an insufficient safeguard for Maori interests. Part iii assesses the other sections in the Act which have a bearing on Maori involvement in resource management processes. Chapter Eight explores the planning system. Chapter Nine describes the resource consent processes in the 1991 Act. Chapter Ten comments on various procedural provisions which introduce tikanga Maori into the Act, and Chapter Eleven is devoted to exploring the sections in the Act which in the writer�s opinion provide the most potential for recognition of rangatiratanga in a limited form. This Part proclaims that the emphasis in the Act is very much on consultation with nga Iwi Maori as an effective means for their involement in resource management. It is submitted that this is not the active participation in decision-making that Maori seek and which is guaranteed under Article ii of the Treaty of Waitangi. Chapter Twelve acknowledges that involvement of nga Iwi Maori in processes under the 1991 Act will rely to some extent on the content of policy statements and plans produced by the local authorities. An analysis of the Proposed Otago Regional Policy Statement is undertaken to explore how the concerns of Kai Tahu have been incorporated into the statement. Chapter Thirteen ends by concluding that while the 1991 Act does provide for increased Maori involvement in resource management processes in New Zealand it does not facilitate the decision-making role guaranteed by Article ii of the Treaty of Waitangi.

Kaumaatua of the Te Koeti Turanga hapuu (sub-tribe) of South Westland have expressed concern that the mana of their Kaati Mamoe ancestors has been trampled on and their identity subsumed through union with the Kai Tahu tribal confederation. The history of the Kaati Mamoe iwi in the South island has been marginalised by the subsequent arrival of a number of hapuu of the Ngaati Kahungunu in the seventeenth century. The conflict which ensured following this gradual migration has traditionally been interpreted as marking the end of a Kaati Mamoe identity in the island. Complexity has been added to this situation as a result of European colonisation in the nineteenth century. The purchase by Pakeha of vast tracts of land in the South Island, and the failure to exempt the reserves promised, put pressure on the takata whenua�s land base and resources. The Crown�s refusal to acknowledge and redress the grievances of South Island Maori over the last hundred years has obliged the Kaati Mamoe to unite with the Kai Tahu. This process has served to further marginalise their identity, in this case in the southern rohe of the West Coast. The method that I have used in this work draws upon a number of disciplines. Oral history and written records of the Te Koeti hapuu form the central sources and to this extent this work may be described as being written from a Kaati Mamoe perspective. I have undertaken a review of the material recorded by European collectors of South Island Maori tradition in order to understand the way in which their reports have shaped the European view of South Westland Maori. And finally a review of the archaeological record has been included in order to provide information about the everyday material life of the ancestors of the South Westland hapuu. A number of conclusions have been reached in this thesis. Firstly that the peace arrangement at Popoutunoa which has been viewed by Kai Tahu as marking the end of a Kaati Mamoe identity is not necessarily the view of many Kaati Mamoe descendants. The historical record shows that a number of individuals continued to fight the Kai Tahu due to tribal differences while others continued to live alongside Kai Tahu in peace. As throughout much of Aotearoa, the importance of the hapuu as a source for an individual�s identity in Maori society prior to European colonisation has been over-shadowed. In the case of the South Westland people union with Kai Tahu, which was vital in the face of the loss of land, has been interpreted as the loss of their affiliation and identity with Kaati Mamoe.