This thesis examines how cultural heritage policies are developed in New Zealand. Cultural heritage symbolises the development of a society, illustrating past events and changing customs and values. Because of its significance, the government has accepted responsibility for protecting cultural heritage, and has developed a number of institutions and a variety of policies to address this responsibility. It is important to understand how the goverment uses these mechanisms to protect cultural heritage, and the subsequent relationships that have developed between actors in the cultural heritage area. These will have an impact on the effectiveness of the policy which is developed. Cultural heritage is treasured by society for a number of reasons, but as social attitudes change, so does the treatment of cultural heritage. It is re-defined, re-interpreted and used to promote a sense of pride in the commmunity. This manipulation extends to policy making. Since the 1980s, the government has influenced, and been influenced by, two major social changes. There has been an introduction of free market principles such as rationalisation, competition and fiscal responsibility into the New Zealand economy and political structure. These principles have been applied to cultural heritage and consequently cultural heritage is treated as a commodity. As the result of changing attitudes towards the treatment of the Maori and Maori resources, there has been a movement towards implementing biculturalism. This has meant a re-evaluation of how Maori taonga is treated, particularly of the ways Maori cultural heritage has been used to promote a sense of New Zealandness. There are several major actors involved in cultural heritage policy making - government, policy units, cultural heritage organisations and local authorities. Central government is the dominant force in the political process, with control over the distribution of resources and the responsibilities assigned to other actors. Because the use of market principles and movement towards biculturalism have been embraced at the central government level, other actors in the policy making process are also expected to adopt them. Policy units develop options to fit with the government�s general economic and political agenda. The structures adopted for the public service are designed to encompass market principles, particularly the efficient use of resources and competitiveness. While cultural heritage organisations may influence the government�s agenda through lobbying and information-sharing, they are limited by issues such as funding and statutory requirements. Government has shifted many responsibilities to the regions, but while territorial authorities are influenced by the concerns of their communities, they are also subject to directions from the government. The process and structures which have been outlined do not contribute to an effective policy making system. The use of market principles to direct cultural heritage protection tends to encourage uneven and inconsistent policies, both at national and local levels. The range of cultural heritage definitions used by government agencies also promotes inconsistency. Cultural heritage is encompassed in a large number of government departments and ministries, which makes the co-ordination funding by meeting required �outputs� and the government�s requirement of fiscal responsibility. This is not appropriate language for cultural heritage, which should not have to be rationalised as an economic good. Although the government has devolved a number of responsibilities and territorial authorities have a variety of mechanisms available to protect cultural heritage, there is no nation-wide criteria for territorial involvement. Because of regional differences there is an uneven treatment of cultural heritage. Those policies developed by territorial authorities will also be influenced by the government�s economic direction. Organisations supported by the Dunedin City Council, for example, must also provide budgets and strategic plans which fit with Council�s fiscal objectives.

The Resource Management Act (hereafter �the RM Act�) has significantly changed the statutory framework for natural resource management in New Zealand. It is the result of a three year process of law reform, the largest law reform exercise ever undertaken in this country (M. F. E., 1992). It consolidates into one statute most of the laws that regulate the use of New Zealand�s natural and physical resources. The purpose of the RM Act is the promotion of �the sustainable management of natural and physical resources�. The focus of this Project is the introduction into the RM Act of a number of positive obligations dealing with Maori interests, the principles of the Treaty of Waitangi, consultation, and iwi management plans. The RM Act contains provisions designed to, amongst other things, safeguard Maori heritage interests, make consultation between consent agencies and tangata whenua mandatory in the preparation of local authority plans and policy statements, provide for the delegation of authority to iwi, and to instruct decision makers to take the principles of the Treaty into account when exercising functions and duties under the act. These provisions provide new opportunities for a distinctive Maori dimension to be incorporated into resource management decision making practice. The ability is present within the RM Act to remove some of the barriers that have prevented Maori from participating in decisions on the management of resources. The interest of tangata whenua in natural resource management are now a part of the statutory framework. This has the effect of increasing the interaction, consultation and accountability of iwi and local government when natural resources are managed. The realization of the potential of these iwi provisions in the RM Act will require decision makers and local iwi to develop a working relationship by exploring models of consultation and co-management. For the relationship to be effective, it will need to be based on mutual tolerance and cooperation. The rights and duties in the relationship are complementary and rest with both parties. Long-term sucess will require a commitment from both local authorities and tangata whenua to work together in good faith and with clarity of purpose to develop kaupapa (plan, strategy) for the present and future management of natural resources.

The relationship between Maori and land is imperative. It forms the basis for developing conceptual blueprints fundamental to producing a data model from a Maori paradigm and integrating that cultural paradigm with western information systems technology. The primary objective of this thesis focuses on blending ancient Maori techniques for managing land information with the advanced tools offered by information systems technology. Like other oral traditions, information about ancestral land and resources were registered in the memories of tribal elders and leaders. Today Maori land information found in the Maori land courts are largely paper-based. By contrast, western civilisations have adapted quickly to computerised systems for managing land information. Unfortunately for Maori, most GIS tend to operate on models influenced by the viewpoint of the dominating culture and their world view. This poses challenges and risks for Maori. This research rejects the idea of adopting technology wholesale, based on western paradigms. Argued from an eclectic theoretical approach incorpating a Maori world view, this study captures the cultural concept of land, develops a conceptual blueprint based on that perspective, and engages that cultural stamp into a western system of managing land information. Thus a blend of the old and the new techniques for managing Maori land information is incorporated, hence ka pu te ruha, ka hao te rangatahi.

Kaumaatua of the Te Koeti Turanga hapuu (sub-tribe) of South Westland have expressed concern that the mana of their Kaati Mamoe ancestors has been trampled on and their identity subsumed through union with the Kai Tahu tribal confederation. The history of the Kaati Mamoe iwi in the South island has been marginalised by the subsequent arrival of a number of hapuu of the Ngaati Kahungunu in the seventeenth century. The conflict which ensured following this gradual migration has traditionally been interpreted as marking the end of a Kaati Mamoe identity in the island. Complexity has been added to this situation as a result of European colonisation in the nineteenth century. The purchase by Pakeha of vast tracts of land in the South Island, and the failure to exempt the reserves promised, put pressure on the takata whenua�s land base and resources. The Crown�s refusal to acknowledge and redress the grievances of South Island Maori over the last hundred years has obliged the Kaati Mamoe to unite with the Kai Tahu. This process has served to further marginalise their identity, in this case in the southern rohe of the West Coast. The method that I have used in this work draws upon a number of disciplines. Oral history and written records of the Te Koeti hapuu form the central sources and to this extent this work may be described as being written from a Kaati Mamoe perspective. I have undertaken a review of the material recorded by European collectors of South Island Maori tradition in order to understand the way in which their reports have shaped the European view of South Westland Maori. And finally a review of the archaeological record has been included in order to provide information about the everyday material life of the ancestors of the South Westland hapuu. A number of conclusions have been reached in this thesis. Firstly that the peace arrangement at Popoutunoa which has been viewed by Kai Tahu as marking the end of a Kaati Mamoe identity is not necessarily the view of many Kaati Mamoe descendants. The historical record shows that a number of individuals continued to fight the Kai Tahu due to tribal differences while others continued to live alongside Kai Tahu in peace. As throughout much of Aotearoa, the importance of the hapuu as a source for an individual�s identity in Maori society prior to European colonisation has been over-shadowed. In the case of the South Westland people union with Kai Tahu, which was vital in the face of the loss of land, has been interpreted as the loss of their affiliation and identity with Kaati Mamoe.

The settlement of the claim to fisheries by Maori is a political milestone. The Sealords Deal (the Deal) as it is commonly known, is the first settlement in New Zealand which extinguishes Maori claims to a particular resource. It affects all iwi and proposes the development of a process for the allocation of benefits. As such it needs to be considered in terms of other post-colonial nations� experiences in the resolution of claims to natural resources. Canada, the United States and Australia provide examples of different attitudes and approaches to the resolution of claims to natural resources by their indigenous populations. A typical history of the resolution of claims to natural resources in post-colonial nations begins with initial European contact, followed by increased numbers of settlers which places pressure on governments and the judiciary to justify the acquisition and exploitation of land and other resources. This leaves the indigenous population landless and welfare dependent. This pattern is reflected in judicial decision-making. In New Zealand, the courts initially acknowledged that the rights of Maori to their lands and other resources, existed unless specifically taken away. When pressure for acquisition of land occurred the courts responded by holding that Maori rights to resources only existed if specifically granted by a court or the legislature. This reversed the original presumption of existence of a right unless taken away. It has only been recently that the New Zealand judiciary has reaccepted the common law doctrine of aboriginal title. This brings New Zealand more in line with Canada and the United States, but New Zealand still has some way to go in acknowledging the doctrine of fiduciary obligation of the Crown/government to Maori. It is also helpful to analyse the changes that have taken place in governments� policies that have enabled the creation of an enviroment in which such a settlement can take place. The Labour governments of 1984 and 1987 began a number of policy initiatives which created a socio-economic climate and responsive enviroment favourable to the settlement of such a claim. Changes are also occurring internationally. Indigenous people�s rights are coming to the fore with the proposed Universal Declaration on Indigenous Rights nearly in place. All this change at a national and international level has only been possible by post-colonial nations acknowledging their past in order to move to the future with confidence. The Sealords Deal is an example of an attempt by Maori and the New Zealand government to make this move forward.

Summary: European colonial expansion during the past five centuries has had serious repercussions for many indigenous populations. Responses to intrusive European culture have varied. Aboriginal Tasmanian culture was extinguised (Plomley 1966). The Cheyenne (Höebel 1964) and the Mapuche Indians (Faron 1968) have struggled to retain their identity and their compromises with European culture have been grudging. Many indigenous societies have been ravaged by disease and warfare and others have been transformed into a culture with both European and indigenous elements. Then there are the Swazi (Kuper 1964), who are continuing, at the present time to adjust to colonialist regimes. The New Zealand Maori have adopted elements of European culture without losing a distinctive cultural identity (Metge 1968). Details of events following initial contact between indigenous societies and Europeans are obscure, usually because of poor documentation. Yet it is precisely this initial period of culture contact that is often of particular interest to anthropologists. Until recently, accounts of culture contact have been left to historians, political scientists, ethnographers and social anthropologists. Archaeologists have tended to overlook this area of research, probably on the assumption that it is already well documented. However, the study of recent culture-contact situations is clearly the provenance of archaeology as well as other disciplines (Sturtevant 1966 : 41). Indeed, one of the major attractions of post-contact archaeology is the very fact that there are usually some relevant data from non-archaeological disciplines (op.cit.: 42-3). There are several self-evident areas of potential research in post-contact archaeology. Historical documentation may be used to locate archaeological sites (Pilling 1968; Trigger 1969); ethnic groups may be traced back into the late prehistoric period from the ethnographic present by using the "direct historical approach" (see Sturtevant 1966: 9; Hall 1969; Stewart 1942; Stewart 1969; Wright 1968); the effects of culture contact (Oswalt and van Stone 1967) or the expansion of the colonial settlements (Allen 1967; Nöel Hume 1963) may be the principal foci; and there is also the possibility of projecting cultural adaptations back into the late prehistoric part (Fitting and Cleland 1969) in order to discover the corresponding cultural patterns. The present study will consider culture change induced by contact with an intrusive culture. The indigenous culture is New Zealand Maori, the intrusive culture, European.

Summary: "The ignorance which, generally speaking, prevails regarding the true character of the aboriginal population is not wonderful, simply because we know that there is no other branch of knowledge of which men are so thoroughly ignorant as the study of man himself. the constitution of man, mental as well as bodily, forms as yet no part of the ordinary course of education; and men are sent forth into the world to meet, deal, and to treat with one another, in total ignorance of each other�s character. it is not, under such circumstances, to be wonderer at, that, even in civilized life, disputes, quarrels, and troubles should exist; how much less so when the two extremes, the savage and the civilized, are brought into contact with one another."(1) With these words Dr. Martin, in 1845, outlined the need for special training for those who had to deal with native races, whether as missionaries, administrators, or merely as settlers amongst them. All those who came into contact with the Maoris had, of necessity, to study their ways to a certain extent, and some naturally, were more proficient in this than were their fellows. Wherever there was one who, through his understanding of the native character and the strength of his influence, was able to guide both Maori and Pakeha in their relations with one another, there the two peoples lived in peace. Dissension arose through the ignorance of either party of laws of the other, or because those laws were deliberately flouted. Training in the study of man, as suggested by Martin, would have dispelled this ignorance and inculcated a spirit of tolerance which could have eased much of the friction that ensued. Where it was essential to compromise on conflicting points, or where the weaker of the two parties was forced to conform to the ways of the other, then again this training would have indicated the best procedure to be adopted. But no system of schooling at that time included a study of anything like anthropology, which was then an unthought-of science, and the only hope of harmonious race relations lay in the possibility that certain of those in responsible positions amongst both Europeans and Maoris would have enough wit to discern the right course--Introduction.

Summary: In order that one may approach the main theme of this thesis, the massacre at Poverty Bay, the events leading there to, and the effects thereof, some slight knowledge is required of the general situation in New Zealand in the years immediately preceding. The writer considers that no apology is needed for introducing into a work that has for its title "The Poverty Bay Massacre of 1868", such apparently unrelated topics as the campaigns of 1845 to 1868 and the cult of Pai-Marire. In any historical review, cause and effect are so closely related that it is difficult, when choosing a particular field of research, to decide how much to include and, more important, how much to discard. The Maori Wars in the Waikato and Taranaki districts spread through the whole of the North Island and in time to the East Coast. Here they were intensified by the blend of Christianity and savage barbarity that is known as Pai-Marire or Hauhauism. It was during this campaign on the Coast that Te Kooti Rikirangi first came into political prominence. A study of Hauhauism is interesting in itself; reviewed in connection with the central figure of this thesis, Te Kooti, it acquires new significance. It is doubtful how far he was sincere in the religious ritual he instituted, itself a modification, and an adaptation of the old Pai-Marire cult, but out of it he fashioned a powerful weapon against the Pakeha. Perhaps it deserves a place as a psychological study of the influence of community worship in a mysterious and militant ritual upon the religious emotionalism of any sect and when, as here, that sect was composed of semi-civilised or wholly savage Maoris at a critical period in the history of their race, it was inevitable that it should issue in action. This thesis represents an attempt at more than merely collecting loose threads about the massacre into one narrative. It has been the writer�s aim to place the massacre in its right setting in the history of New Zealand, and thus to show its significance. The method chosen has been that of grouping the events round one central figure, that of the perpetrator of the massacre, and the first four chapters therefore are incidental though necessary. The history of this man continues long after 1868, the date of the massacre and a small section has been added to cover the period 1868 to 1893, the year of his death on the plea that though irrelevant to the subject of the thesis it gives a rounded effect that might otherwise be lacking--Introduction.

Summary: It is probably true that the Anglo-Maori Wars have received more attention from historians than any other single topic in New Zealand history. This is as it should be, because that event was a watershed - albeit an unhappy one - in the settlement in this country. I therefore make no apology for adding another piece of research which includes a consideration of events in 1859 and 1860. I first �discovered� C.W. Richmond when asked to present a tutorial on him whilst engaged in post-graduate studies at the University of Otago. Regular histories of the period of the Anglo-Maori Wars were consulted, but they dealt with Richmond only in passing. It was at this point that G.H. Scholefield�s two volume edition of the Richmond-Atkinson family papers came to my attention and I discovered in them a wealth of information hitherto unrevealed about the Minister for Native Affairs. Accordingly, I was attracted to a study of the man, and the present paper is the result. The wonder is that so little has been written on a man who played a key role (one could argue the key role) in the Waitara dispute which led the Anglo-Maori Wars. One thesis was written on him in 1948, and W.D. Stewart wrote a short book on him in 1947.

Summary: Native policy not only engaged the minds of the New Zealanders, especially the North Islanders, during 1858, but it was also an important topic in the 1858 Session of Parliament. To gain a true idea of the importance of native policy in the Session, one must know something of native affairs and how native problems had been dealt with previously. One must also know something of the characters and personalities of men dealing with this question, and what the public thought. There was considerable tension and conflict between the Governor and his ministers in native affairs, and it is interesting to speculate whether or not matters would have been improved had the Ministers been responsible for Native policy as they were in everything else; also, whether it was possible to avert the conflict between the Pakeha and native, or whether it was the inevitable result of two races with conflicting interests living in the same country. I have not attempted to deal at all with other matters which occupied the minds both of the settlers and the General Assembly, although some of these were of primary importance - for instance, a very fierce controversy was being waged between extreme Provincialism and extreme centralism. There was also the question of where the seat of Government should be, and other matters such as the Steam Ship Service. Also, each province was naturally interested in its own local matters - the "Nelson Examinerquot; was full of the gold fields, and the quot;Wellington Independentquot; was full of party strife. Naturally, the South Island was not very concerned with the native problem, although the different newspapers consistently reported on affairs in Taranaki and the Waikato. They were also content to let the North Island take the lead in the General Assembly in matters of native policy.