Desde seu nascimento, há quase trinta anos, o Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra (MST) tem se destacado pela perenidade de sua organização e disposição de estimular uma diversidade de vínculos capilares com a sociedade civil o que constitui uma das maiores novidades da história política contemporânea do campesinato brasileiro e voz mais expressiva da questão agrária na América Latina. Diante dessa constatação, o objetivo desta dissertação é apresentar e analisar como a dimensão internacionalista do MST enquanto elemento real e ativo de construção de um lócus político constitui-se historicamente, a fim de destacar as diversas influências políticas e ideológicas e a composição heterogênea de seu ativismo transnacional, que foram desenvolvidas (e assimiladas) tanto por circunstâncias políticas e econômicas em que o país enveredou quanto pela atuação das lideranças do MST. A hipótese central é de que, a partir da metade da década de noventa, o MST alcança o auge de sua projeção no exterior, não apenas pela referência mundial simbólica e política da luta camponesa, mas pela percepção de que o internacionalismo está enraizado nas condições materiais da luta de classes na agricultura mundializada. Desde então, inicia-se um processo de redefinição de sua estratégia política que passa a ser ampliada internacionalmente, na busca de convergência de linhas políticas e agendas em comum, principalmente com a Coordinadora Latinoamericana de Organizaciones del Campo (CLOC) e Via Campesina. Todavia, a política internacionalista do MST não nasce, cresce e amadurece politicamente apenas como reflexo passivo do avanço do capitalismo internacional do campo. O desenvolvimento desigual do capitalismo no campo brasileiro e a trajetória internacionalista do MST não constituem duas retas paralelas que podem ser relacionadas ponto a ponto. Na verdade, ambas adquirem configurações espaciais e temporais mais complexas e são estabelecidas em um constante encontro e desencontro. Por exemplo, a dimensão ética-moral e religiosa principalmente da fonte da Teologia da Libertação e da pastoral da terra é um fator essencial na motivação subjetiva de uma consciência humanista e universal latino-americana e de uma cultura política de solidariedade internacionalista permanente que o MST desenvolve a partir da própria formação específica que aqui se propõe estudar. / From its birth, almost thirty years ago, the Landless Workers\' Movement (MST) has distinguished itself for the continuity of its organisation and its disposition to stimulate a variety of capillary links with the civil society. This characteristic represents one of the major news in the contemporary political history of the Brazilian rural population, so that the MST has become the most expressive voice of the land reform in Latin America. Starting from this consideration, the purpose of this dissertation is to show and analyse how the internationalist dimension of the MST considered as a real and active element of constitution of a political space took form historically, in order to highlight the different political and ideological influences, and the heterogeneous composition of its international activism, which were developed (and assimilated) both by the political and economic circumstances in the countries where it took place, and by the MST leadership\'s action. The main hypothesis hereby presented is that, beginning from the mid-nineties, the MST gets the peak of its projection towards the exterior, not only for the symbolic and political worldwide relevance of the peasants fight, but for the perception that internationalism is rooted in the material conditions of the class struggle in globalized agriculture. Since then, it begins a process of re-definition of its political strategy that spreads world-widely, in search of a convergence of political lines and common agendas, mainly with the Coordinadora Latinoamericana de Organizaciones del Campo (CLOC) and Via Campesina. Still, the internationalist policy of MST does not begin, grow and mature politically only as a passive mirroring of the progress of international capitalism of land. That is, the unequal development of capitalism in the Brazilian land and the internationalist trajectory of the MST do not constitute two parallels that can be related to each other point-by-point. Actually, the two of them get more complex spatial and temporal configurations, and are formed in a constant dialectic of agreements and disagreements. The religious and ethical-moral dimension principally from the liberation theology and the pastoral of land, for instance, is an essential factor in the subjective motivation of a humanistic and universal Latin-American awareness and of a political culture of permanent internationalist solidarity that the MST develops starting from its own specific formation, which is the object of the present study.

[pt] Dialéticas da desconstrução: Maio de 68 e o cinema tem como objetivo o estudo da desconstrução do cinema francês que emerge motivado pelo Maio de 68 tendo como referência principal a filmografia de três grupos que surgem no período: Dziga Vertov, Zanzibar e Medvedkine. A desconstrução é analisada tendo como base processos dialéticos que visam demonstrar uma qualidade movente, que permita dissociá-la do debate entre críticos para a qual é geralmente associada. O período sobre o qual a filmografia analisada aqui está confinada (1968-1974) compreende não apenas o surgimento e término dos grupos citados, mas mudanças internas nas artes marxistas utópicas que se veem impulsionadas por 68. Estas transformações no cinema são estudadas nesta tese tomando como referência a obra de Herbert Marcuse, no período que contempla a aparição das obras O homem unidimensional (1964) e A dimensão estética (1977). Desta forma, a tese investiga uma desconstrução histórica, na transmissão de técnicas e estéticas entre neovanguardas francesas do pós-guerra; uma desconstrução teórica, entre os críticos da Cahiers du cinéma e Cinéthique a partir de 1969; e uma autodesconstrução, referente a um reposicionamento que inverte política e estética na obra dos três grupos citados. / [en] This doctoral thesis analyzes the deconstruction of French cinema that emerges with May 68, having as main reference the filmography of three groups that appear in the period: Dziga Vertov, Zanzibar and Medvedkine. The deconstruction will be analyzed from dialectical processes that demonstrate a moving feature that allows its separation from the episode that is managed by the critics and which it has been occasionally associated. The period which the analyzed filmography is confined (1968-1974) reaches not only the beginning and end of the mentioned groups, but the internal changes in the Marxists arts that are influenced by 68. This thesis studies those transformations in cinema, having as reference the work of Herbert Marcuse, during the period that contemplates the appearance of the books The unidimensional man (1964) and The aesthetic dimension (1977). This thesis intends to investigate one historical deconstruction, which appears in the transmission of technics and aesthetics between French neo-avant-gardes of the post-war; one theoretical deconstruction, between the critics of Cahiers du cinéma and Cinéthique after 1969; and one auto-deconstruction, which answers to a repositioning that reverse politic and aesthetic in the work of the groups that are mentioned above.

Orientador: Antônio Alberto Machado / Resumo: Tendo em vista os disparates existentes entre o plano formal dos Direitos Humanos Fundamentais e o plano material de efetivação desses direitos, esta pesquisa parte da premissa que os Direito s Humanos Fundamentais não são efetivados no Brasil. Desse modo, a pesquisa tem o principal objetivo de questionar se é possível a efetivação dos Direitos Humanos Fundamentais no País, diante não só d o neoliberalismo , mas também das heranças nacionais da dependência e da escravidão. Busca se, assim, compreender inicialmente o que são os Direitos Humanos Fundamentais e como as diferentes correntes teóricas conceituam esses direitos. Desse modo, foi proposto uma divisão epistemológica entre as Corren tes Clássicas Tradicion ais e as Contra Teorias dos Direitos Humanos Fundamentais. As Contra Teorias foram divididas em Teorias Críticas ; Escola U spiana do A lysson M ascaro Perspectiva de Karl Marx na obra A Questão J udai ca ””. Após a compreensão epistemológica das diferentes correntes, o trab alho buscou compreender o capitalismo e o neoliberalismo, bem como as heranças nacionais da dependência e da escravidão. A pesquisa se pauta no paradigma da dialética do direito. Dessa maneira, para conseguir executar os objetivos da pesquisa, utilizou se da pesquisa bibliográfi ca, sendo realizada coleta de informações com caráter exploratório. Também foi aplicada a metodologia comparativa e dedutiva. Uma das conclusões encontradas é que embora a emancipação humana só seja possível com a superaçã... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo) / Abstract: Given the existing nonsense between the formal plan of Fundamental Human Rights and the material plan for the realization of these rights, this research assumes that Fundamental Human Rights are not implemented in Brazil. Thus, the research has the main objective of questioning if it is possible the realization of the Fundamental Human Rights in the Country, facing not only neoliberalism, but also the national inheritances of dependence and slavery. Thus, we seek initially to understand what Fundamental Human Rights are and how the different theoretical currents conceptualize these rights. Thus, an epistemological division was proposed between the Traditional Classical Currents and the Counter-Theories of Fundamental Human Rights. Counter-Theories were divided into Critical Theories; Alysson Mascaro Uspian School; Karl Marx's perspective on the book The Jewish Question. After epistemological understanding of the different currents, the work sought to understand capitalism and neoliberalism, as well as the national inheritances of dependence and slavery. The research is based on the paradigm of the dialectic of law. Thus, in order to be able to execute the research objectives, we used the bibliographic research, and exploratory information was collected. The comparative and deductive methodology was also applied. One of the conclusions is that although human emancipation is only possible with the overcoming of the capitalist structure, political emancipation is possible in cur... (Complete abstract click electronic access below) / Mestre

Historians originally claimed that the 1871 Paris Commune was inspired by Karl Marx. Since the 1960s, however, this assertion has been rejected by scholars who either claim that Marx had no influence over the Paris Communards or do not address the possibility that this influence existed. Many scholars have also claimed that the Commune was not political in any way, but was a rebellion inspired by patriotism, bitterness for the Versailles government’s capitulation of Paris to Prussia, or a spontaneous reaction to hostility from the national army’s attempt to disarm the indignant, rapidly organizing Parisian workers who called for municipal authority under their own socialist government. This thesis analyzes the official publications of the governing body of the Paris Commune and argues that these sources demonstrate that this movement was political in nature, and that Marxist ideology helped to shape the political minds of the revolutionary working class in Paris.

Research Doctorate - Doctor of Philosophy (PhD) / In 1959 the popular Revolution of national liberation and independence triumphed in Cuba, extended a few years later into a Marxist-Leninist strategy for building socialism and communism on the island. In this radical social and political context, conditions were ripe for a radical alternative approach to secondary school education. This research confirms and extends existing evidence and analyses, showing that the model of secondary schooling established in revolutionary Cuba shared fundamental aspects of dominant models throughout the world. In particular, Cuba’s revolutionary schools are shown to have adopted a similar approach to mass education, as an investment in human capital and citizen formation. In the analysis of this historical phenomenon, a world-systems geocultural approach is used to describe and explain the non-exceptional form and character of Cuba’s secondary schools. The approach synthesises world-system level economic and cultural aspects, within the concept of a world-systems ‘geoculture’ of development, describing how these interrelated influences historically conditioned secondary school education policy and practice in Cuba. This process is traced through the impact of the world-economy, and related world-systems geocultural assumptions and objectives, over the political economy of Cuba’s socialist project, with direct implications for secondary school education. The world-system level conditioning influence on school policy and practice is shown to have been mediated by the particular national conditions, such that features specific to Cuba’s secondary schools are identified within the broad framework and constraints of the world-system level influence. The world-systems geocultural approach provides a viable, historical account of secondary school policy and practice in revolutionary Cuba. General continuity is identified, in accordance with the broad, world-system level influence. The historical analysis demonstrates the need for a world-system level approach, and supports the need to include world economic and cultural factors, under the geocultural framework.

Victors do not always write history. To date our knowledge of how the Pathet Lao seized power in Laos in 1975 has been based on accounts from those who witnessed events but who were not privy to the thinking and planning behind them. After the violent fall of Cambodia and Vietnam, the slow, relatively peaceful and seemingly dilatory takeover of power they observed did not equate with the Lao People’s Revolutionary Party’s assertion that its seizure of power was due to the “creative application of Marxism-Leninism to Lao conditions”. This work attempts to determine the accuracy of the Lao Party’s claim by using LPRP documents and written and verbal accounts, which reveal the strategic thinking and tactics behind the Lao Revolution. The piecing together of information drawn from many and varied sources that were directly involved, at last sheds some light on how a small, weak movement overthrew a government almost without violence. It also reveals that the LPRP carefully and deliberately planned and executed the peaceful formation of the Lao People’s Democratic Republic in December 1975 in a revolution that was unprecedented in the history of Marxist-Leninist revolutions.

The role of advertising in postmodern culture is far more than an impetus to capitalist economy; from its first full flowering in the 1920s, it has addressed its human subjects in ways that exceed considerations of monetary exchange. Advertising has come not only to sell people what they desire – it has also materially changed their desire, and thus the people themselves in the process. Certainly ‘individuals’ have become ‘consumers’ – but the problem is greater than this. Advertising, with its undeniable aspects of fantasy, often stands in complete opposition to critical thinking. This examination explores advertising’s effects on the individual through the critical lenses of ideology and psychoanalysis, concluding that although ideology is a relevant methodology, it remains incomplete. Psychoanalytic theory, on the other hand, provides multiple avenues of interpreting how advertising addresses both the conscious and the unconscious mind, and offers a potential methodology for personal resistance and social change.

Thèse doctorat : Department of English : Uppsala : 1993.

Abstract (from thesis text) From Upper Volta to Burkina Faso, is the study of the politics of reaction and reform in a post-colonial nation-state of Burkina Faso. Since its independence from France on 5 August 1960 to 15 October 1987, Burkina Faso, the "land of the upright" people, has experience five changes in government. All of the coups that took place in this twenty-seven year period were reactionary and reforming. However, the most memorable reforms arrived after the coup of 4 August 1983 which gave rise to a youthful president in a thirty-three year old Captain Thomas Sankara. As the leaders before him, Sankara reacted against a post-colonial government that he and supporters saw as inadequate. Unlike the previous coups in the Upper Volta, this work argues that the 4 August 1983 coup brought class consciousness to the forefront. It aimed to establish its identity by changing the country's name from the colonial name of Upper Volta to Burkina Faso. The revolutionaries appeared to be g6enuine in meeting their words with action by working to create self-sufficient citizens, curb environmental depredation, combat corruption in government and provide women more opportunities. Though the Revolution in Burkina Faso (1983-1987) did not end the country's ambitions for a multi-party democracy, it did elevate the status of women, literacy, mortality and pride for the homeland.

Canadian education has historical roots in blatantly assimilationist policies bent on the social, economic, linguistic and spiritual subjugation of Aboriginal peoples and their cultures. Today, Canadian education has moved away from overtly colonialist discourses and publicly embraced the principles of multiculturalism. This research explores how and if this ideological shift has translated into the practice of contemporary Canadian education as it is experienced by students. My research focuses on the ways Canada’s colonial history and contemporary Aboriginal issues are addressed in mandatory Ontario high school social studies curriculum. This analysis is based on interviews with twenty-five recent high school graduates about what they remember learning about Aboriginal issues and how that knowledge has influenced their understanding of colonialism and Aboriginal peoples today. My interpretive analysis of students’ responses relies on the insights provided by critical pedagogy and postcolonial theory. By drawing on Gramsci, Freire and Apple I challenge the hegemonic practices in education that continue to marginalize Aboriginal peoples and their struggles. This research contributes to scholarship in the sociology of education and postcolonial studies by providing a unique picture of the ways in which young people come to understand Canada’s colonial legacy through their formal education, as well as providing insight into new directions for curriculum development, teacher training and more effective integration of anti-racist pedagogy in Ontario’s high schools. / Thesis (Master, Sociology) -- Queen's University, 2007-08-23 17:38:27.532