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"White, Black, and Dusky": Girl Guiding in Malaya, Nigeria, India, and Australia from 1909-1960Stanhope, Sally K. 13 July 2012 (has links)
This comparative study of Girl Guiding in Malaya, India, Nigeria, and Australia examines the dynamics of engagement between Western and non-Western women participants. Originally a program to promote feminine citizenship only to British girls, Guiding became tied up with efforts to maintain, transform, or build different kinds of imagined communities—imperial states, nationalists movements, and independent nation states. From the program’s origins in London in 1909 until 1960 the relationship of the metropole and colonies resembled a complex web of influence, adaptation, and agency. The interactions between Girl Guide officialdom headquartered in London, Guide leaders of colonized girls, and the colonized girls who joined suggest that the foundational ideology of Guiding, maternalism, became a common language that participants used to work toward different ideas and practices of civic belonging initially as members of the British Empire and later as members of independent nations.
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Class Inequality among Third World Women Wage Earners: Mistresses and Maids in the PhilippinesArnado, Mary Janet Madrono 14 March 2002 (has links)
This dissertation is geared toward a deeper understanding of the complexity of the multiple positions of women in the "Third World," and on how these positions create, sustain, and reproduce inequalities. I examine class inequality among employed women in the Philippines in the context of mistress-maid employment relationship. Using feminist fieldwork approaches, my gatekeeper, Merly, and I conducted extensive interviews and focus groups with thirty-one maids and ten mistresses between May and August 2000 in a medium-sized city in the Philippines. Recorded interviews were transcribed and processed using QSR NUD*IST N4.
Domestic workers, who started as child laborers, live in their mistresses' homes where they perform household chores and carework. Aside from their "job description," they carry out additional tasks within and outside the household. The maids' relationship with their mistresses is based on maternalism, in which the mistresses integrate them into the family, engage in gift giving, provide educational support, but at the same time, control their bodies, times, spaces, and relationships. Except in cases where maternalist behavior becomes violent, both maids and mistresses approve of maternalism. In looking at the factors that may contribute to the mistresses' maternalist behavior, this study found that mistresses who are subordinate relative to their spouses and their workplaces are more likely than those who are not subordinate to engage in maternalist behavior with their maids. As maids prefer maternalist relationship with their mistresses, they accommodate their mistresses' dominating tendencies. When reprimanded, they respond through culture-specific rituals of subordination. However, when their threshold of tolerance is breached, they apply a combination of subtle and blatant resisting strategies.
Younger maids perceive domestic work as a stepping-stone toward a more comfortable future, while older maids view it as a dead-end occupation. From a global standpoint, class mobility is examined based on the domestic workers dialectic positions within the international division of reproductive labor. Throughout this dissertation, women's inequality in the context of mistress-maid relations were analyzed from various angles, shifting the analysis from micro to macro dynamics; from class to the intersection of gender, ethnicity, age, and class; and from local to global. In addition to providing a sociological understanding of this phenomenon, I put the varied voices of "Third World women" at the forefront of this study. / Ph. D.
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Eugenics in the community : the United Farm Women of Alberta, public health nursing, teaching, social work, and sexual sterilization in Alberta, 1928-19722014 December 1900 (has links)
This dissertation examines the historical relationship between eugenics, the United Farm Women of Alberta (UFWA), and the gendered professions of teaching, public health nursing, and social work in Alberta. In the wake of the Leilani Muir trial, scholarship on Alberta’s Sexual Sterilization Act (1928-1972) has tended to centre on male medical professionals, and the largely male run provincial psychiatric institutions. When a female is mentioned she tends to be
someone in a position of power, including members of the Famous Five whose feminism and support for eugenic thought have often been viewed as incompatible. The historiography has
consequently constructed an image in which male medical professionals, and a few exceptional women controlled the reproductive rights of largely female patients, overlooking the women that
served on the program’s frontlines.
By recasting the province’s eugenic sterilization program within a broader public health framework, and focusing on the UFWA, teachers, public health nurses and social workers, this dissertation not only provides a more comprehensive understanding of how the legislation functioned at the ground level, but also challenges prevailing ideas about maternalism, feminism, women’s professional work, and eugenics in Canada. It offers an alternative reading of eugenics in Canada by moving beyond formal institutions to the significant role played by gendered political organizations and health, welfare, and education professionals in the community. The Canadian mental hygiene and eugenics movements, which were fundamentally connected, provided them with an opportunity to maintain and extend their authority, and to meet their
political and professional goals. The gendered, classed, and ethnic stereotypes that defined public nursing, teaching, and social work allowed them to define a niche for themselves within the
eugenics program, but also limited the extent to which they operated as authorities of mental hygiene and eugenic science.
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Familismo, maternalismo e políticas sociais : o caso da política nacional de microcrédito do governo LulaMiguel, Antonia Celene 10 March 2015 (has links)
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Previous issue date: 2015-06-22 / Não recebi financiamento / The granting of the low-income population through micro credit has been held in several countries, mainly as a way to combat poverty. Much of the population served is not only without an alternative income, but without access to loans for fostering economic activities because it is excluded from the traditional banking services. However, most microcredit loans has been held by women. This trend is related to the finding that female-headed households tend to have the worst economic conditions, which would mean a feminization of poverty. This direct relationship between poverty and women has resulted in the prioritization of women for anti-poverty policies as a means to promote their empowerment through access to economic resources. In Brazil women also has emerged as the main borrowers of microcredit loans, mainly under the National Program for Productive Microcredit (PNPMO), a generation of work and income program. In Brazil, women's access to microcredit is associated with the actions of the Secretary of Policies for Women (SPM/PR) to promote the economic empowerment of women through access to this resource type and the stimulus to female entrepreneurship. Thus, the prospects of feminization of poverty and empowerment permeate the issue of gender and public policy, as well as the form of participation of women in social policies in Brazil, where the ideals of familism and maternalism delimit the design of these policies. Considering this scenario, this research is to address the promotion of women's access to micro-credit as a result of a consensus that expresses an interpretation of the relationship of women to the economic (feminization of poverty, women heads of household, empowerment/autonomy and entrepreneurship female). From the Brazilian case, we point out that familism and maternalism produce effects not only on policies for women, but also on policies that, although the family focus, aim at its realization through the leadership of women. Therefore, there is an interweaving of the ideals of familism and maternalism the "new" categories: the feminization of poverty and women heads of household, passing the proposal emphasizes the need to economically empower women. This justification, that makes sense by naturalization of these categories themselves. In addition, another check is that the role given to women in social policies can have a conservative character for meeting a model of welfare policies with familista design with an emphasis on motherhood. But on the other hand, may be part of a policy proposal is nevertheless progressive to try through this arrangement, justify and ensure greater participation and inclusion of women in public policy. / A concessão de crédito à população de baixa renda através do microcrédito tem sido realizada em diversos países do mundo, prioritariamente como forma de combater a pobreza. Boa parte da população atendida não se encontra apenas sem uma alternativa de renda, mas sem acesso a empréstimos para fomentação de atividades econômicas por se encontrar excluída dos serviços do sistema bancário tradicional. Entretanto, a maioria dos empréstimos de microcrédito tem sido realizada por mulheres. Tal tendência está relacionada à constatação de que as famílias chefiadas por mulheres tendem a apresentar as piores condições econômicas, o que significaria uma feminização da pobreza. Essa relação direta entre a pobreza e mulher tem resultado na priorização das mulheres por políticas de combate à pobreza como meio de promover o seu empoderamento por meio do acesso a recursos econômicos. No Brasil, as mulheres também têm se destacado como as principais tomadoras de empréstimos de microcrédito, principalmente no âmbito do Programa Nacional de Microcrédito Produtivo Orientado (PNPMO), um programa de geração de trabalho e renda. No caso brasileiro, o acesso das mulheres ao microcrédito está associado às ações da Secretaria de Políticas para as Mulheres (SPM/PR), que visam promover a autonomia econômica das mulheres mediante o acesso a esse tipo de recurso e do estímulo ao empreendedorismo feminino. Dessa forma, as perspectivas de feminização da pobreza e de empoderamento perpassam as questões das políticas públicas e de gênero, bem como o modo de inserção das mulheres nas políticas sociais no Brasil, onde os ideários de familismo e maternalismo delimitam o desenho dessas políticas. Considerando tal cenário, a presente pesquisa trata de abordar a promoção do acesso das mulheres ao microcrédito como resultado de um consenso que expressa uma interpretação sobre a relação das mulheres com o econômico (feminização da pobreza, mulher chefe de família, empoderamento/autonomia e empreendedorismo feminino). A partir do caso brasileiro, apontamos que o familismo e o maternalismo produzem efeitos, não somente nas políticas voltadas para as mulheres, mas também nas políticas que, embora tenham a família como foco, visam a sua realização através do protagonismo das mulheres. Há, portanto, um entrelaçamento dos ideários de familismo e maternalismo a “novas” categorias: a feminização da pobreza e a mulher chefe de família, perpassando a proposta que enfatiza a necessidade de empoderar economicamente as mulheres. Justificativa essa, que ganha sentido mediante a naturalização dessas categorias. Além disso, outra verificação é a de que ao protagonismo dado às mulheres nas políticas sociais pode haver um caráter conservador por atender um modelo de políticas de bem estar com desenho familista e com ênfase na maternidade. Por outro lado, tal arranjo pode fazer parte de uma proposta política que não deixa de ser progressista ao tentar através desse arranjo, justificar e garantir uma maior participação e inclusão das mulheres nas políticas públicas.
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Mulheres do babaçu: gênero, maternalismo e movimentos sociais no MaranhãoBarbosa, Viviane de Oliveira January 2013 (has links)
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Previous issue date: 2013 / O presente trabalho trata de histórias de mulheres quebradeiras de coco babaçu no Maranhão, no que se referem a representações sociais, relações de trabalho, gênero e maternalismo, construção de identidades, problemas agrários e ambientais, modelos e mecanismos de organização e constituição de movimento social. Este trabalho estrutura-se em alguns eixos básicos e complementares de investigação. Destaca a importância de uma economia doméstica do babaçu amparada no trabalho feminino, analisando as representações sociais desse recurso natural e evidenciando a invisibilidade dos extrativistas diante dos setores dominantes. Analisa as relações de gênero e trabalho e os usos do tempo entre camponeses maranhenses envolvidos com a agricultura e a quebra do coco, apontando para sinais de maternalismo nos discursos e nas práticas das quebradeiras de coco. Aborda também experiências de quebradeiras de cocoque, com ou sem a participação de outros agentes e grupos, construíram identidades coletivas e desenvolveram estratégias de mobilização e formas de resistência num contexto de conflitos e lutas pela terra e pelo acesso e preservação dos babaçuais. E percorre, ainda, o processo de construção da identidade de quebradeira de coco e outras identidades a ela relacionadas (“mulher”, “negra” “quilombola”, “indígena” etc.), analisando conquistas e mudanças na trajetória de mulheres extrativistas depois de sua inserção no MIQCB, inclusive no tocante à ampliação de sua autonomia e na construção de ideais de igualdade de gênero. / This work analyzes stories of babassu coconut breaker’s women in Maranhão, in referring to social representations, labor relations, gender and maternalism, identity construction, agricultural and environmental problems, models and mechanisms of organization and formation and social movement. This work is divided into basic and supplementary axes of research. It highlights the importance of a domestic economy of babassu supported in female work, analyzing the social representations of this natural resource and highlighting the invisibility of peasants in face of a dominant sectors. It analyses gender relations and work, and the uses of time between peasants involved with agriculture and the breaking of coconut in Maranhão, pointing to signs of maternalism in the discourses and practices of coconut breakers. It also discusses the experiences of coconut breakers that with or without the participation of other agents and groups, constructed collective identities and developed mobilization strategies and forms and resistance in the context of conflicts and strugless over land and access and preservation to babassu palm. And, it observes also the process of construction of coconut breaker’s identity and other identities related to it (“woman”, “black”, “maroon”, “indigenous”, etc.) , analyzing changes and achievements in the trajectory of women after their insertion in MIQCB, including the expansion of their autonomy and the construction of ideals of gender equality.
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Is the Motherist Approach More Helpful in Obtaining Women's Rights than a Feminist Approach? A Comparative Study of Lebanon and LiberiaWhetstone, Crystal Marie 28 May 2013 (has links)
No description available.
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MOMS GO POLITICAL: MATERNALISM IN THE NATIONAL WELFARE RIGHTS ORGANIZATION AND WOMEN STRIKE FOR PEACEWoodburn, Shae A. January 2020 (has links)
No description available.
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Mothers Leading by Example: Maternal Influence on Female Leadership in KenyaChege, Catherine Wagaturi 25 August 2022 (has links)
No description available.
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La créativité comme prévention du stress et de la souffrance au travail : de l’analyse des « pathologies de la communication » du cas des aides à domicile à celle de l’expérience de créativité collective chez les employés de Dassault / Creativity as prevention of stress and suffering at work : Analysis of "pathologies of communication" : the case of care assistants among employees of Dassault into the experience of collective creativityLahmadi, Ghizlaine 17 December 2012 (has links)
La créativité comme prévention du stress et de la souffrance au travail. De l’analyse des « pathologies de la communication » du cas des aides à domicile à celle de l’expérience de créativité collective chez les employés de DassaultComment comprendre et agir contre les malaises, ‒ du stress à la souffrance ‒, et les dysfonctionnements internes de l’entreprise moderne ?Nous montrons comment la créativité peut être une démarche communicationnelle préventive et omnipotente, une alternative capable de résorber une communication pathogène engendrée par le management, au profit d’une communication sociale moins instrumentale qu’institutionnelle et formelle.Notre démonstration se structure en 3 parties, chaque partie faisant émerger un paradoxe.Le premier est repéré à partir d’une lecture socio-historique réinterrogeant le travail d’antan. Il s’inscrit certes comme un lieu de souffrance, mais aussi de plaisir, présent dans la notion clé d’otium. Le second provient de l’univers pathogène de l’entreprise et apparait à la lecture de cet espace à partir du paradigme habermassien des « pathologies de la communication ». Le cas d’aides à domicile en situation de stress mais aussi de souffrance a été soumis à cette nouvelle "grille" de lecture. L’analyse est complétée d’une approche winnicotienne, permettant d’y voir les mécanismes inconscients générés par le néomanagement défaillant.Dans la troisième partie, au cœur des mouvements du processus créatif, via une approche socio-psychanalytique, nous partons des théories de Winnicott sur la créativité, pour la transposer et la dépasser, dans la vie interne de l’entreprise.Cette théorie est articulée et complétée par une étude empirique menée auprès d’employés Dassault qui ont fait cette insolite expérience de la création d’un « espace transitionnel hétérotopique », permettant paradoxalement de s’affranchir du cadre du travail tout en y étant lié. / Creativity as prevention of stress and suffering at work Analysis of "pathologies of communication": the case of care assistants among employees of Dassault into the experience of collective creativityHow to understand and act against discomfort – from stress to suffering - and the internal problems of modern business?We show how creativity can be a preventive and omnipotent communication approach, an alternative that can reduce a communication pathogen caused by management, in favor of a less instrumental than institutional and formal communication social.Our proof is structured in three parts, each bringing forth a paradox.The first is identified from a socio-historical examination of traditional work. Indeed, it enrolled as a place of suffering, but also of joy, present in the key concept of otium.The second comes from the pathogen world of business and appears from the examination of this space from the Habermassian paradigm of "pathologies of communication." The case of care assistants under stress but also suffering has been subjected to this new reading report. The analysis is complemented by a Winnicotian approach, allowing perceiving the unconscious mechanisms generated by the failed neomanagement.In the third part, in the middle of the movement about creative process, through a socio-psychoanalytic approach, we start with Winnicot theories about creativity, to transpose and beyond, in the internal life of the company.This theory is articulated and supplemented by an empirical study with Dassault employees who made the unusual experience of creating a 'transitional space heterotopic "paradoxically allowing to get rid of the work area and in the the same tine to be connected to it.
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“The Key to All Reform”: Mormon Women, Religious Identity, and Suffrage, 1887-1920Geis, Amy Lynn January 2015 (has links)
No description available.
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