The purpose of this thesis is to evaluate the economic thought involved in the process of the economic evolution of Venezuela.

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Philosophiae Doctor - PhD / The thesis examines how elite perspectives on foreign aid affect the subsequent path of aid dependence. The focus is on aid-seeking foreign policy change. Two foreign policy change cases are examined for the study, which took place in Korea under Park Chung-hee and in Ghana under Rawlings through a lens of comparative historical analysis. The thesis aims to make two original contributions to knowledge. First, it explains recipient foreign policy using two different forms of mercantilism, and second, it reveals the dependent path created by the mercantilist oriented elite. Mercantilism in the thesis is used as dual-frameworked concept. First, it is a lens to see state behaviour. Despite the fact that mercantilism has been mainly used to explain a donor‘s behaviour, it can elucidate that of an aid-recipient state when the aid-seeking country is in dire need of the foreign aid for the survival of the state. The thesis applies mercantilism to explain aid-receiving countries‘behaviour. Second, more importantly, mercantilism also explains elite perspectives. The elite in aid receiving countries search for foreign aid not only for the wealth and power of their state, but also for the prosperity and survival of themselves. Mercantilism is used as an ostensible principle in practicing the private search for advantages of the elite. The thesis uses the dual-mercantilism idea to examine aid-seeking foreign policy in Korea and Ghana. In Korea, the elite saw the key to their survival in industrialising the nation, and their search for foreign aid took place based on that raison d’être. In Ghana, on the other hand, the elite found the way to their survival and prosperity in acquiring more foreign aid and the aid per se became the ultimate goal. The thesis finds industrial mercantilism a useful framework to understand the elite perspective in Korea

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Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:26:38Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2007-03-02Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T19:13:45Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 silva_km_me_assis.pdf: 511997 bytes, checksum: b22e137bb2b222cbd8ab9a1e22af4679 (MD5) / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico (CNPq) / Com o objetivo de contribuir para a história intelectual dos conflitos que antecederam a Independência do Brasil, o presente trabalho analisa duas fontes impressas: A Economia Brasileira no Alvorecer do Século XIX (1807) e Recopilação de Notícias Soteropolitanas e Brasílicas (1802), escritas na Bahia respectivamente pelo Desembargador João Rodrigues Brito e por Luiz dos Santos Vilhena. Os escritos de Vilhena são a expressão da mais genuína tradição mercantilista do mundo lusobrasileiro, para quem os dissabores enfrentados pelos colonos brasileiros derivavam da falta de ação mais enérgica do Estado no controle da produção e do comércio colonial. No outro extremo do debate estava Brito, um atualizado estudioso da Economia Política, cujos escritos revelam aspectos surpreendentes do mal-estar experimentado por setores coloniais às vésperas da transferência da Corte. A novidade apresentada por esse escrito reside no diagnóstico feito pelo seu autor de que os problemas dos produtores brasileiros não radicavam na oposição de interesses entre metrópole e colônia, mas no excesso de intervenção do Estado na economia colonial. Entretanto, por Estado Brito entendia não só a estrutura metropolitana, mas principalmente o sistema estatal instalado na própria colônia como instância de poder local, especialmente o Senado da Câmara. Assim, a análise dessas fontes documentais projetam novas luzes sobre as tensões e conflitos que antecederam a Independência do Brasil. O presente trabalho evidencia ainda que, além dos conflitos colônia versus metrópole já fartamente documentados pela historiografia tradicional... / The aim of the present work is to contribute to the intellectual history of the conflicts that occurred before the Independence of Brazil, by analyzing two sources: A Economia Brasileira no Alvorecer do Século XIX (1807) and Recopilação de Notícias Soteropolitanas e Brasílicas (1802), written in Bahia by Desembargador João Rodriques Brito and by Luiz dos Santos Vilhena, respectively. Vilhena, whose writings are the expression of the most genuine mercantilist tradition of the Portuguese-Brazilian world, believed that the annoyances faced by the Brazilian colonists were a reflect of the lack of a more energetic posture of the State on the control of the colonial production and commerce. On the other edge of the debate was Brito, a political economy researcher, whose writings reveal surprising aspects of the adversities faced by colonialists sectors on the eve of Court s transference. The novelty of this work was the analysis made by his author that the problems of the colonialist producers were not a consequence of the conflict of interests between metropolis and colony, but, in fact, a result of an excessive state intervention on the economy. However, by state Brito understood not only the metropolitan structure, but mainly the state system placed at the Colony as a part of the local power, specially the Senate and the Camera. Therefore, the analysis of these documental sources brings new lights on the conflict that preceded the Independence of Brazil. The present work also makes evident that beyond the conflicts between colony an metropolis, which have already been fully studied, there was... (Complete abstract, click electronic access below)

Mercantilism was a very complex phenomenom and, as such, can be examined from different angles. To begin with, it is the first important chapter of the history of economic thought. Second, it can be studied —or criticized— by the theory of international trade, that usually opposes its own free trade philosophy to the mercantilist doctrines. And third, the mercantilist policies of the European powers —both colonial and noncolonial—, from the XVI to the XVIII century, constitute an important topic of the world economichistory. Nevertheless, despite its complexity,  mercantilist thought is usually presented ina very simple, almost naive, way: as a school that mistook precious metals for richness; that made the accumulation of those metals an end by itself, justifying with this purpose negative policies of protectionism and of intervention of the state in the economy. Here we will try to present mercantilism from its different angles, underlining its complexity,and emphasizing an aspect that it is not usually emphasized: the commercial colonial policies of the European powers from the XVI to the XVIII centuries. Finally, we make some questions on mercantilism, questions that we think have yet to be answered. / El mercantilismo fue un fenómeno muy complejo y puede ser estudiado desde diversos ángulos. En primer lugar, constituye el primer capítulo de importancia de la historia del pensamiento económico. En segundo lugar, puede ser estudiado —o criticado— por la teoría del comercio internacional, la cual suele contraponer su propia filosofía librecambista a las doctrinas mercantilistas. En tercer lugar, las políticas mercantilistas de las potencias europeas —tanto coloniales como no coloniales—, desde el siglo XVI hasta el siglo XVIII, constituyen un tópico importante de la historia económica mundial.A pesar de su complejidad, el mercantilismo suele ser presentado de una manera muy simple, casi simplona: como autores que confundieron riqueza con metales preciosos, que convirtieron la acumulación de estos en un fin en sí mismo, para lo cual justificaronperniciosas políticas proteccionistas y de intervención del Estado en la economía.Tratamos acá de presentar al mercantilismo desde sus diferentes ángulos, enfatizando su complejidad, y resaltando un aspecto del mercantilismo que casi siempre se pasa por alto: las políticas comerciales coloniales de las potencias europeas entre los siglosXVI y XVIII. Finalmente, planteamos algunas preguntas sobre el mercantilismo que pensamos están aún pendientes de ser contestadas.

Fundação de Amparo a Pesquisa do Estado da Bahia / The nature becoming scarce, for its appropriation and consumption inside of the logic of accumulation in the hegemonic way of production, as well as for the industrialization and urbanization as development standard, has been submitted to a new form of value aggregation through the contemplative consumption of the landscape. That way, the tourism activity, as stage of the extended accumulation of the capital has appealed to the rural space, cradle of the remaining natural beauty. Transforming natural landscapes into consumption products and the littoral rural space in a scenery of development and dissimulation of hope for intermediary of public politics directed toward the tourism. Aggravating a conflict establishes between the place and the world, of where it comes a loaded ratiocinator process of ideological content that arrives at each place with objects and norms established to serve them. When analyzing the city of Cairu, that it is find inserted in this process, it observes that with the installation of the tourist economy has an acceleration of the reproduction of the place under the molds of the society urban-industrial. The values that had given support to the tourism for its scarcity (natural beauties, tranquility, native culture), quickly pass to be substituted, for the contradictions produced for the social system and denied by the urban society, generating a great depreciation of the place and the proper fixed capital. Where the only real form of overcoming of this contradictory movement it is find to beyond of the capital. / A natureza tornada escassa, por sua apropriação e consumo dentro da lógica de acumulação do modo de produção hegemônico, assim como pela industrialização e urbanização como padrão de desenvolvimento, tem sido submetida a uma nova forma de agregação de valor, através do consumo contemplativo da paisagem. Dessa forma, a atividade turística, enquanto etapa da acumulação ampliada do capital, tem recorrido ao espaço rural, berço da beleza natural remanescente. Transformando paisagens naturais em produtos de consumo e o espaço rural litorâneo em palco de desenvolvimento e de dissimulação de esperança por intermédio de políticas públicas voltadas para o turismo. Agravando um conflito que se estabelece entre o lugar e o mundo, de onde vem um processo racionalizador carregado de conteúdo ideológico que chega a cada lugar com objetos e normas estabelecidos para servi-los. Ao analisar o município de Cairu, que se encontra inserido neste processo, observa-se que, com a instalação da economia turística, há uma aceleração da reprodução do lugar sob os moldes da sociedade urbanoindustrial. Os valores que deram suporte ao turismo por sua escassez (belezas naturais, tranquilidade, cultura nativa), rapidamente passam a ser substituídos pelas contradições produzidas pelo sistema social e negadas pela sociedade urbana, gerando uma grande desvalorização do lugar e do próprio capital fixo. Onde a única forma real de superação desse movimento contraditório encontra-se para além do capital.

In the second half of the 18th century, the Stockholm retail trades started to organise themselves in legal corporations, called trade societies. In this, they were frequently opposed by the State. Swedish society was still basically a corporatist society, based on privileged bodies, with defined functions and rights. Corporations on a concrete level, claiming legal status as intermediaries between the Individual and the public did, however, not fit into the plans of the State anymore. This dissertation deals with the following problems concerning this late addition to the corporate world of early-modern Sweden: What were the driving forces behind this corporate formation? And what were its consequences, for the relations between corporation and individual on the one hand, and between the corporations and the public on the other? The theoretical framework includes a discussion concerning conflicting conceptions of property. I will argue that the corporate ideals presuppose an 'embedded' notion of property, whereas 'new' ideas of property as a purely material commodity were starting to make their way into 18th century Swedish society. The second theoretical assumption is, that the action of the trade societies may be seen from a petite bourgeoisie perspective, where both the preconditions for their business and social status, as well as their collective action, show great affinity with that of advocates of petty property and small-scale business in the late 19th and early 20th century. I will argue that the combined phenomena of perceived relative deprivation and subsequent real economic hardship proved conducive to the decision of the retail trades to start forming proper corporations, meaning legally recognised (and protected) occupational associations. This process included a shift of strategy, as the trade societies turned inward: A closer adherence to the question of a moral economy, and claims to mutuality and surveillance within the society, were combined with strengthened claims concerning the question of credentials and professional skill. In their relations to individuals, the trade societies were obvious exponents of the patriarchal society. Young men within the retail trades, although closely supervised, faced reasonably fair chances of one day becoming tradesmen, burgesses and members of the corporation. Where conformity was lacking, however, both corporations and individuals were prone to litigation. The strengthened legal position of the trade societies proved to be conducive also to strengthened position vis-à-vis individuals. During the latter part of the century, the municipal courts showed greater adherence to the arguments and statutes of the corporations. The patriarchal system did also contain the relations between men and women. Here is introduced the concept of the corporate gender-order, for describing the trade societies' relations to women within and in the periphery of the corporation. Independent women, working outside any patriarchal control, was seen as a serious threat to the identity of these trades as exclusive, and as 'professions'. As a conclusion the retailers show a certain affinity with the petite bourgeoisie, in their individual as well as their collective behaviour.

This dissertation explores and analyzes anti-imperial sentiments in Britain throughout the long eighteenth century. During this period of major British state formation and imperial expansion, there were a surprisingly large number of observers who voiced notable and varied concerns and opposition towards numerous overseas ventures, yet who have not since received significant attention within the historical record. Indeed, many critics of British imperialism and empire-building, from within Britain itself, formed extensive and thoughtful assessments of their own nation’s conduct in the world. Criticism ranged widely, from those who opposed the high economic costs of imperial expansion to those worried that a divine retribution would rain down upon Britain for injustices committed by Britons abroad. Such diversity of anti-imperial perspectives came from a clearly enlightened minority, whose limited influences upon broader public opinions had little effect on policies at the time. Successive British administrations and self-interested Britons who sought their fortunes and adventures abroad, often with little regard for the damage inflicted on those whom they encountered, won the political debate over empire-building. However, in the aftermath of the Napoleonic Wars, the perspectives of many of these individuals would increasingly become highly regarded. Later generations of reformers, particularly “Little Englanders”, or classical liberals and radicals, would look back reverently to these critics to draw inspiration for refashioning the empire and Britain’s position in the world. These eighteenth century ideas continued to present powerful counter-arguments to the trends then in place and served to inspire those, in the centuries that followed, who sought to break the heavy chains of often despotic colonial rule and mitigate the ravages of war and conquest.

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