This dissertation examines the British Catholic community during the Age of Mercantilism. It opens with John Aylward's trade in the early 1670s and closes with the death of Bishop Richard Challoner in the late eighteenth century. By investigating the economic and financial strategies of these individuals, this work dispels the stereotype of idle Catholicism and shows how the Catholic community played a relevant role in the emerging Atlantic economy. The work starts with an analysis of John Aylward's dealings during outbreaks of international warfare. His papers prove that Catholicism was crucial in his business, allowing the adoption of various strategies and access to diverse markets. As a merchant Aylward defies the stereotype of religious minorities' communality in trade, by moving beyond religious and national borders. Moreover, he challenges the stereotype of Catholicism as estranged from capitalism. The dissertation further continues with an analysis of his widow Helena Aylward, as merchant and financier. Her skills and strategies allow the extension of the narrative of enterprise and Catholicism to women as well, by challenging the prevailing role of Catholic women as patrons or nuns. Finally, the last chapter analyses the business accounts of Bishop Richard Challoner, Vicar Apostolic of the London Mission. His dealings exemplify how Catholicism played a relevant role in finance, both individually and institutionally. In fact, the British Catholic Church fundamentally sustained itself through the stock market. Therefore, this work proves that Catholics were entrepreneurs: they built coherent trading zones and through a broad range of Atlantic connections, moved beyond the borders of the European Empires. They disregarded religious affiliations and nationalities, suggesting that the new economic and financial opportunities of the Age of Mercantilism allowed the Catholic Community to integrate into the British economy and eventually to achieve toleration.

Uppsatsen syfte är att ta reda på ifall den Europeiska Unionens (EU) handelspolicy för den interna respektive den externa marknaden följer den liberala retoriken som förs av unionen. Det är en komparativ fallstudie som använder sig av idealtyper för att ge en nyanserad bild av unionens handelspolicy. Det teoretiska ramverket som används för att framställa dessa idealtyper är merkantilism samt liberalism. Idealtyperna appliceras sedan på de två fallen. Fokus för studien ligger på tiden mellan Lissabonfördraget och 2012 innan den senaste utvidgningen till 28 medlemsstater ägde rum. I analysen kan man se delar av båda teorierna i varierande grad. Avslutningsvis diskuteras i vilken grad de båda teorierna influerar EU:s handelspolicy för den inre samt yttre marknaden. I resultatet kan man se att liberalismen genomsyrar stora delar av EU:s handelspolicy, men att det finns merkantilistiska undertoner i ett flertal olika områden. / The aim with this thesis is to find out whether the European Union (EU) trade policy for the internal and the external market comply with the liberal rhetoric that is conducted by the Union. It is a comparative case study based on ideal types to give the reader a nuanced view of EU:s trade policy. The theoretical framework that is being used to produce the ideal types is mercantilism and liberalism. Consequently, the ideal types are being applied on the two cases. The focus of the study is the time between the Lisbon Treaty and 2012, before the recent enlargement to 28 member states took place. In the analysis, one can see portions of both theories in varying degrees. Finally, the extent of how liberalism and mercantilism influences EU:s trade policy for the internal and the external market is being discussed. The result of the thesis show that liberalism influence most parts of the trade policy, but there are also some mercantilist undertones in several areas.

À la fin du XVIIe siècle, en Europe, émerge un nouveau discours économique : le mercantilisme. S’ensuit une mainmise de plus en plus importante de l’administration royale sur l’industrie et l’économie du pays. Ce système économique domine largement la première moitié du XVIIIe siècle avant de progressivement s’essouffler face à la montée du libéralisme économique. Parmi les grandes industries de l’époque se trouve l’industrie lainière relativement dispersée sur l’ensemble du territoire. On observe tout de même une certaine concentration industrielle dans certaines généralités, principalement au nord de la France et dans le sud avec la région du Languedoc. Ces deux régions constituent les focales principales de notre étude. L’objectif est alors de comprendre comment le facteur géographique a influencé la formation et la réussite de groupes de pression dans l’industrie lainière dans un siècle d’évolution de la pensée économique. La première étude de cas porte sur le lobby lainier languedocien qui s’oppose aux privilèges économiques obtenus par les Marseillais auprès de l’administration royale. Ces derniers possèdent l’exclusivité du commerce avec la région du Levant, débouché principal de la production lainière du Languedoc. S’ensuivent alors de vives protestations et oppositions entre les deux protagonistes pour défendre les intérêts économiques de chacun. Enfin, notre seconde étude de cas nous mène à analyser les conséquences économiques de la signature du traité commercial franco-britannique en 1786. Premier traité de libre-échange entre la France et l’Angleterre, ce dernier n’est pas sans conséquence pour l’industrie lainière du nord de la France. Se forment, alors de véritables groupes de pression chez les industriels de la laine exigeant la modification du traité commercial. En réalité, cet accord matérialise une opposition entre deux groupes de pression, le premier issu d’un milieu rural vivant essentiellement de l’agriculture et le second issu d’un milieu urbain principalement industrialisé. / At the end of the 17th century, in Europe, a new economic discourse emerged: mercantilism. The result was a growing control by the royal administration over the countries’ industries and economy. This economic system dominated the first half of the 18th century before gradually weakening in the face of the rise of economic liberalism. Among the major industries at the time was the wool industry, which was relatively dispersed throughout the country. There was still a certain industrial concentration in certain généralité mainly in the north of France and in the south with the Languedoc region. These two regions constitute the main points of our study. The goal then is to understand how the geographic factor influences the formation and success of lobbies in the wool industry in a century of evolution of economic thinking. The first case study relates to the study of the wool industry in the Languedoc which opposes the economic privileges obtained by Marseille from the royal administration. The latter had exclusive rights to trade with the Levant region, the main outlet for Languedoc wool production. Huge protests and oppositions ensued between the two protagonists in order to defend the economic interests of each other. Finally, our second case study leads us to analyze the economic consequences of the signing of the Franco-British trade treaty in 1786. The latter had a huge consequence on the wool industry in the north of France. It the follow the emergence of a lobby in the wool industry demanding for a modification of the treaty. In reality this agreement materialized an opposition between two different kinds of pressure groups: the first one coming from a rural environment living primarily from agriculture; the second one coming from a mainly industrialized urban environment.

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This master thesis deals with the spiritual progress pointing to a national self-awareness in the Enlightenment era from the beginning until 1848. The Enlightenment is an European phenomenon, which is characterized by a change of thinking, and self-awareness. This idea of tolerance and human emancipation contributed to the reforms of fundamental social, political and ecclesiastical changes. These changes result not only from a philosophical influences, but also from royal reforms during the reign of Maria Theresa and Joseph II in particular. The Teresian enlightened Catholicism and Josephinian reformism fully started the journey from the Enlightenment to liberalism. Powered by TCPDF (www.tcpdf.org)

本論文的研究目的有三：（一）學習國際政治經濟學的分析方法：從文獻閱讀中，學習國際政治經濟學的分析方法，包括此分析方法的內涵和適用範疇。（二）試用此方法來分析柯林頓政府對中共的貿易政策：本論文試用國際政治經濟學的自由主義的觀點，來分析柯林頓政府對中共的貿易政策，並試圖藉由此觀點驗證以下假設性問題：柯林頓政府對中共的貿易政策符合自由主義的精神；亦即，柯林頓政府是根據自由主義的精神來制定對中共的貿易政策。（三）試用此方法分析最惠國待遇問題：本論文認為美中的貿易問題以續惠問題最有代表性，因為續惠問題不僅反應美國對經濟利益的關切，更反應美國對人權價值的關切，因此選擇此問題作為柯林頓政府對中共貿易政策的案例分析。本論文試圖用國際政治經濟學的方法來分析續惠問題，並且驗證以下假設：柯林頓政府將人權與最惠國待遇從掛勾到脫勾的政策變化，符合自由主義的精神；亦即，柯林頓政府是根據自由主義的精神而決定續惠中共。 根據本論文的研究結果，認為柯林頓政府是以自由主義的觀點推動貿易政策，在自由主義的觀點中，自由貿易最能達到貿易各國互利互惠，而自由貿易的核心原則即是「不歧視原則」（亦即最惠國待遇原則），一旦不歧視原則（最惠國待遇原則）被破壞，自由貿易也無從存在。因此，雖然柯林頓政府為了推動公平、互惠的貿易秩序會對他國威脅使用三０一條款、課徵反傾銷稅、施以高姿態的政治壓力，卻從來很少運用撤銷最惠國待遇來威脅他國就範。最惠國待遇是自由主義貿易政策的核心原則，柯林頓政府為了推動自由貿易秩序，絕對不會動搖這個核心原則。同樣的道理適用在中國的最惠國待遇問題上。柯林頓總統入主白宮之後，並沒有認真考慮過撤銷中共的最惠國待遇，因為一旦他撤銷中共的最惠國待遇，不僅美「中」關係受損，美國經濟利益受損，美國賴以建立貿易秩序的核心原則更將受到破壞。此即柯林頓政府所以將人權問題和最惠國待遇問題脫勾的最重要原因。人權固然是自由主義看重的價值，最惠國待遇亦是自由主義看重的價值，美國不可能為了取得其中之一，而放棄另外之一，也就是美國不可能為了中共不改善人權，即取消最惠國待遇。將這兩者掛勾自始就不可行，也不是有效的政策，柯林頓政府將這兩者脫勾也就是必然的了。根據以上的研究結果，筆者認為驗證了本文的兩個假設性問題。 第一章 緒論 1 第一節 研究動機與研究目的 1 第二節 研究方法與論文架構 2 第三節 研究範圍與研究限制 4 第二章 國際政治經濟學的觀點 6 第一節 導論：何謂國際政治經濟學？ 6 第二節 重商主義(Mercantilism)的觀點 8 第三節 自由主義(Liberalism)的觀點 15 第四節 結構主義(Structuralism)的觀點 22 第五節 小結 29 第三章 戰後美國貿易政策的演變 33 第一節 戰後到一九七０年代的自由貿易政策 33 第二節 一九七０年代以後的貿易保護主義政策 38 第三節 小結 46 第四章 美國貿易政策之制定及執行機構 49 第一節 立法部門：國會 50 第二節 行政部門：總統與其他部會 54 第三節 民間力量：利益團體 60 第四節 小結 63 第五章 柯林頓政府對中共的貿易政策 66 第一節 經濟安全：柯林頓政府施政的中心目標 66 第二節 柯林頓政府的貿易政策 72 第三節 柯林頓政府的中國政策 79 第四節 柯林頓政府對中共的貿易政策 85 第六章 案例分析：續延中共最惠國待遇問題 91 第一節 美「中」最惠國待遇爭議的由來 92 第二節 美國續惠中共問題案的發展 95 第三節 國際政治經濟學的分析 107 第七章 結論 115 參考書目 118 / This thesis endeavors to use International Political Economy perspectives as an analytical framework to explain Clinton Administration's trade policy toward the People's Republic of China. According to the research, Clinton Administration's trade policy toward the PRC is based on the perspective of liberalism. His decision to delink "human rights" from "MFN" can also be rationalized in the perspective of liberalism.

This thesis looks at the relevance of ideology to the emergence of capitalist social formation in Ruperts Land and the North West between 1852 and 1885 in two contexts: 1) as a mechanism of transforming the mercantilist social formation - the economy, state, and society - that arose to oversee the fur trade in Ruperts Land and the Indian Territory between 1670 and 1870; and 2) its role in establishing capitalist social formation in the North West up to 1885. I focus on the social processes by which ideology is transmitted and its significance to the emerging formation. I attempt to explain how a diverse group of politicians, bankers, investors, merchants, and industrialists took control of vast, resource-rich, and occupied territories like Ruperts Land and the North West and completely transformed the existing social arrangements according to their worldview. This thesis engages Marxist theory to examine the ideas of John A. Macdonald, Alexander Mackenzie, and Edward Blake as heads of the eastern polity, state, central government, and official opposition, and the representatives of commercial, financial, and industrial factions of the bourgeoisie. Over six hundred primary samples of their discourses in the form of political speeches, historical debates, and personal correspondence were reviewed in this research. The major themes emerging from the analysis pertain to the ideological underpinnings of a capitalist worldview in terms of the relevance of law and Christianity to the colonization and civilization of emigrant and indigenous peoples in the North West. It was also found that while politicians disseminate the worldview of their class and faction, they rely significantly on the support of capital and the producing classes to implement their ideas and establish, legitimize, and reproduce the conditions and relations of capitalism. When Macdonald and Mackenzie failed to rally consent for capitalism among local peoples in the North West, ideological coercion became the means of transforming the necessary social, economic, and political structures. I suggest that the use of force (rather than cooperation) to organize agricultural society in Saskatchewan has had long-term consequences for emigrant and indigenous peoples alike.

Giovanni Boteros (1544-1617) treatise <i>The Reason of State</i> (1589) seemed somewhat uncharacteristic of sixteenth-century political thought, considering the pride of place given to economics in his text. The Age of Reformation constituted not only a period of new ideas on faith but also one of new political thinking, and as the research into the influences on Boteros economic thought progressed, I began to consider the period as one where economic thinking was becoming more common among theologians of the reforming churches and bureaucrats of the developing states. Having been trained in the schools of the Jesuits, Botero was exposed to one of the most potent and intellectually uniform of all the reforming movements of the period, and I argue it was here that he first considered economics as an aspect of moral philosophy. While it cannot be proven positively that Botero studied or even considered economics during his association with the Jesuits (roughly from 1559-1580), the fact that a number of those who shaped the Jesuit Order in its first few generations discussed economics in their own treatises leads one to a strong circumstantial conclusion that this is where the economic impulse first rose up in his thinking. Indeed, it was this background that readied Botero to consider economics as an important part of statecraft with his reading of Jean Bodins (1530-1596) <i>The Six Books of the Republic</i> (1576), in which economics is featured quite prominently. Bodins own economic theory was informed primarily by his experience as a bureaucrat in the Parlement of Paris, where questions on the value of the currency and on the kings ability to tax his subjects were in constant debate among the advocates. I argue further that, upon his reading of Bodins <i>Republic</i>, Botero saw how economics could be fused with politics, and he then set out to compose his own treatise on political economy (although he certainly would not have called it such). In <i>The Reason of State</i>, Botero brought his Jesuit conception of economic morality together with Bodins writings on political economy to create a work, neither wholly Jesuit nor wholly Bodinian, which in the end outlined an overall political and economic structure of society quite distinct from the sum of its parts.

Giovanni Boteros (1544-1617) treatise <i>The Reason of State</i> (1589) seemed somewhat uncharacteristic of sixteenth-century political thought, considering the pride of place given to economics in his text. The Age of Reformation constituted not only a period of new ideas on faith but also one of new political thinking, and as the research into the influences on Boteros economic thought progressed, I began to consider the period as one where economic thinking was becoming more common among theologians of the reforming churches and bureaucrats of the developing states. Having been trained in the schools of the Jesuits, Botero was exposed to one of the most potent and intellectually uniform of all the reforming movements of the period, and I argue it was here that he first considered economics as an aspect of moral philosophy. While it cannot be proven positively that Botero studied or even considered economics during his association with the Jesuits (roughly from 1559-1580), the fact that a number of those who shaped the Jesuit Order in its first few generations discussed economics in their own treatises leads one to a strong circumstantial conclusion that this is where the economic impulse first rose up in his thinking. Indeed, it was this background that readied Botero to consider economics as an important part of statecraft with his reading of Jean Bodins (1530-1596) <i>The Six Books of the Republic</i> (1576), in which economics is featured quite prominently. Bodins own economic theory was informed primarily by his experience as a bureaucrat in the Parlement of Paris, where questions on the value of the currency and on the kings ability to tax his subjects were in constant debate among the advocates. I argue further that, upon his reading of Bodins <i>Republic</i>, Botero saw how economics could be fused with politics, and he then set out to compose his own treatise on political economy (although he certainly would not have called it such). In <i>The Reason of State</i>, Botero brought his Jesuit conception of economic morality together with Bodins writings on political economy to create a work, neither wholly Jesuit nor wholly Bodinian, which in the end outlined an overall political and economic structure of society quite distinct from the sum of its parts.