Nessa dissertação pretendemos analisar como o Estado brasileiro participou da construção das instituições de ensino e pesquisa na cidade de Campinas e de como essa estrutura foi mobilizada no sentido de realizar parte das iniciativas desenvolvimentistas presentes no Modelo Brasileiro de Desenvolvimento. Além da análise sobre a relação existente entre as políticas de ciência e tecnologia e o planejamento econômico do regime militar, pretendemos demonstrar quais as estruturas políticas e sociais que permitiram a formação de um polo tecnológico na cidade de Campinas. Procuraremos descrever como o processo de crescimento da economia local permitiu o surgimento de uma nova modalidade de produção baseada na alta tecnologia, e como o conteúdo tecnológico foi mobilizado pela academia científica e instituições de pesquisa da cidade. / This dissertation aims to analyze how the Brazilian State participated in the creation of educational and research institutions in the city of Campinas and how this structure was used in order to execute part of the developmental initiatives found in the Brazilian Development Model. Besides the analysis of the relationship between the economic planning of the military regime and science and technology policies , we aim to reveal the political and social structures that supported the development of a technological pole in the city of Campinas. We will describe how the local economy growth process supported the rise of a new modality of production based on the high technology, and how the technological content was used by the scientific academy and research institutions of the city.

Univ., Habil.-Schr.--Rostock, 2004.

Includes bibliographical references (p. 499-510) and index.

Both after World War I and during World War II Franz L. Neumann confronted the question of how to bring about a genuine democratization of Germany. In both instances he advocated an economic and social revolution in theory but in practice he acquiesced in the failure of the revolutionary forces. The inconsistencies in Neumann's theoretical works, his double emigration and his passage through the Office of Strategic Services witness the German-Jewish socialist's revolutionary dilemma and the cycle of repetition-displacement that both sustained and trapped him in his troubled position. The trademark of the OSS Research and Analysis Branch, which was to misrecognize a stylistic "neutrality" for an institutional one, suited Neumann's emigration tactic of fighting a political battle under the cover of scholarly discourse. At the same time, with that he accepted a neutralization of his "radical" agenda for post-war German de-nazification and re-democratization.

The general purpose of this study completed in 1999 was to create an accurate, documented description of the experiences of nine students, three faculty members and two administrators in higher education in Chile during the military government 1973 - 1990.A qualitative approach was selected as the most appropriate methodology to' complete the study. A variety of methods and data collection strategies were used. The major data collection strategies were interviews and reviewing of primary and secondary written sources. The interviews were used to collect evidence concerning interviewees' experiences, as well as their attitudes, and perceptions regarding the events that occurred in higher education during the rule of the military government 1973 - 1990.The researcher decided to use a judgment sample of interviewees from the population based on their knowledge about the topic and their willingness to share their knowledge and experiences. Geographical representation, position within the institutions, kind of institution represented, and gender were major the considerations at the moment of selecting the sample too.Thanks to the U.S.A. Freedom of Information Act, which established an effective statutory right to access by any person or organization to federal government information, the researcher found official information that allowed for triangulation of evidence.The findings showed that the changes the military government implemented through their modernization of the educational system did not follow the historical trend of educational development in Chile. Furthermore, under the military government, policymaking in higher education was circumscribed to autocratic arenas, which usually coincided with government policy. Education was utilized to serve the purpose of the government. The educational system 1973 - 1990 failed to serve those with special needs. Free-market policies profoundly transformed education from a right available to all, to a commodity available in varying quantity and quality according to purchasing power of individuals.The impact of military government on higher education during the military rule was notorious and huge. Even though they were destructive in some aspects the military government did good things for the educational system. The issue in discussion is the price that was paid. / Department of Educational Leadership

This study attempts to explore the factors that contributed to the rise and fall of military regimes in the Sudan from independence in 1956 to 1989. Further, the study tries to identify the factors that led to the collapse of either or both civilian and military regimes. Most of the studies on military politics have focused their research on either military coups or, more recently, on military withdrawal from politics. This work tries to synthesize the study of military coups and military withdrawal from politics into a single theoretical framework.

Currently Latin America experiences a phenomenon of widely varying levels of violence across the region. Many countries, such as El Salvador and Honduras, have exceptionally high murder rates upwards of 40 homicides per 100,000 people (UNODC 2015). Other countries, such as Uruguay and Argentina, have relatively low rates, below 10 homicides per 100,000 people (UNODC 2015). I believe this variation stems from the use of pro-government militias specifically employed in the past by military governments as tools of suppression. Under the guise of combating subversive elements within their countries, these groups were used to silence and repress those who opposed the military governments. Employing civilians, active military, police officers and high-ranking government officials; these groups often carried clandestine and sometimes public ties to their governments. By examining the origins, afterlives, and level of control exerted over these pro-government militias in Argentina and El Salvador; this study aims to understand the role these groups played in the dispersion of violence throughout society ultimately accounting for the variation we see today.

The intent of the author is to establish a methodology for future forcible interventions in the affairs of failed, failing or rogue and terrorist sponsoring states in order to stabilize and democratize these nations in accordance with stated United States' goals. The argument follows closely current and developing United States military doctrine on stabilization, reconstruction and counterinsurgency operations. Further the author reviews several past interventions from 1844 to the present. Conducting a survey of colonial, imperialist as well as pre and post World War II, Cold War, post Cold War and post September 11th interventions to determine the techniques and procedures that proved most successful, the author proposes a program of intervention and reconstruction called Progressive Reconstruction that incorporates many of the successful activities of these past and present doctrines. The cornerstone of the methodology is the combination of rapid decisive combat and stabilization operations leading into a series of governmental transitions from foreign direct and indirect to indigenous independent rule.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:23:36Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2010-05-04Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T19:29:52Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 oliveira_ga_me_mar.pdf: 3034039 bytes, checksum: f27a5d9b88700c11dbafb9f3f6dda323 (MD5) / A atual conjuntura política brasileira parece oferecer uma realidade democrática pouco vista antes no país. No entanto, olhando mais atentamente, percebe-se um descompasso entre a realidade política institucional e nossa história. Pode-se afirmar que não houve uma consolidação concreta do ponto de vista histórico-sociológico que fosse possível um maior reconhecimento das lutas e resistências dos movimentos sociais e de seu modo de vida como elemento capaz de contribuir para a construção de uma sociedade realmente democrática e cidadã. Neste caso, esta pesquisa visa compreender a luta pela terra na região do Bico do Papagaio – extremo norte do Estado do Tocantins. Tem-se como preocupação, levantar pistas sobre as particularidades dos posseiros no que diz respeito aos conflitos agrários no contexto da repressão política do período militar (1964-1985). Pretende-se discutir como se deu a resistência de um grupo marginalizado tanto no âmbito político-ideológico quanto econômico quando se observa o processo de implementação dos projetos desenvolvimentista para a região. Isto é, pretende-se compreender como os posseiros e posseiras atuaram dentro do processo de modernização e conservaram traços de uma tradição expressada numa sociabilidade, na qual a terra é vista como território, algo que atua como elemento aglutinador na construção da luta/resistência. Deste modo, a hipótese é compreender as ações dos posseiros e como tais ações se desenrolaram no interior de uma tradição específica, uma vez que em uma situação de resistência se exacerba a relevância da cultura enquanto afirmação de uma identidade. Nesta perspectiva, a base da pesquisa será a história oral enquanto método que vai ao encontro dos interesses de uma comunidade, o que permitirá, em parte, demonstrar... / The present political situation Brazilian seems to offer a democratic reality uncommonly seen before in the country. However, if one looks at the matter more attentively, one perceives that there is a disagreement between the political and institutional reality and our history. One can say that there was no concrete consolidation from the historical-sociological viewpoint in which a greater notice of the quarrels and resistences of the social movements and their way of life could be viewed as an element capable of contributing for the construction of a really democratic and citizen society. In this case, this research aims at understanding the fight for taking the land over in the region of Bico do Papagaio which is situated in the northest area of Tocantins state. One has as a concern to raise clues on the particularities of the settlers as regards the agrarian conflicts in the context of the political repression in the military period of government (1964-1985). It is intended to discuss how the resistance of a marginalized group took place so in the political-ideological and in the economic as well when we observe the process of implementation of the developmentist projects for the area. That is to say, one intends to understand now the settlers acted within the modernization process and preserved traits of a tradition expressed in a socialization in which the earth is considered as a territory, something that acts as an aglutination element for the construction of the fight/resistence. In this way, our hypothesis is to understand the actions of the settlers and how such actions evolve inside of a specific tradition, since that in a situation of resistence is overwhelms the relevance of the culture as an affirmation of identity. In this perspective, the basis of research will be the oral... (Complete abstract click electronic access below)

Ao assumirem o Estado, os militares tomaram para si a responsabilidade de conduzir o Brasil ao seu inevitável destino de grande potência, tendo como princípio que sua extensa base física e sua posição privilegiada na América do Sul, ofereciam totais condições e legitimavam o projeto. Partindo dos pressupostos acima, esta pesquisa se propõe a investigar como foi construída a política de potência no governo Geisel, tendo em vista que foi em sua gestão que se implantou efetivamente as estratégias de projeção da influência política brasileira em relação ao sistema internacional _ sob o auspício do Pragmatismo Responsável_ buscando a independência nas decisões políticas, esperando convertê-las em progressos econômicos, mas sobretudo, em avanços no cenário mundial. Nesse contexto, o acordo nuclear assinado com a Alemanha Federal representava a culminância de seu projeto de potência, posto que embalava amplas expectativas da parte do governo: resposta eficiente à crise nacional de energia provocada pelo choque do petróleo, acesso à tecnologia de ponta, domínio completo do ciclo do átomo, modernização e dinamização da indústria nacional e, acima de tudo, a posse de um instrumento legítimo de poder que lhe autorizava exigir maior parcela de decisão frente aos grandes temas de interesse mundial. / When militaries took the power of the state they also assumed for themselves the responsibility of leading Brazil to its unavoidable fate of large potency, haring as a beginning that its extensive physical bases and its privileged position in South America offered total conditions and legitimated the project. Based on the presupposition above, this research proposes to investigate how the political of potency was constituted in Geisel government, swing that was in his management which was definitely introduced the projection strategies of the political influence of Brazil in relation to the international system _ under the promise of the Responsible Pragmatism searching for the independence in political decisions, expecting converting them in economical progress but, above all, in advances in the world-wide scenery. In this context, the nuclear agreement which was signed with Federal Germany represented the culmination of its own project of potency, swing that it brought vast expectations from the government: efficient response about the national crises of energy caused by oil shock, access to the modern technology, total control of the period of the atom, modernization and giving dynamism to the national industry and, above all, the possessions of a rightful instrument of power, which allowed to demand more decisions in big themes of world-wide interests.