Thesis (PH. D.)--Columbia University, 1903. / Published also as Studies in history, economics and public law, vol. 20, no. 2.

Thesis (doctoral)--Universität, Bonn, 2006. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 219-230).

O presente trabalho consiste no estudo da atuação de dois juristas no contexto do regime militar brasileiro (1964-1985): Victor Nunes Leal, ministro do Supremo Tribunal Federal (STF), foi aposentado compulsoriamente em janeiro de 1969, em decorrência do Ato Institucional n° 5/1968; Raymundo Faoro, presidente do Conselho Federal da Ordem dos Advogados do Brasil (OAB) entre 1977-1979, tornou-se importante interlocutor da sociedade civil com o Governo Geisel, pelo retorno da democracia. As obras dos dois juristashistoriadores, respectivamente Coronelismo, enxada e voto: o município e o regime representativo no Brasil (1949), e Os donos do poder: formação do patronato político brasileiro (1958), reeditadas em 1975, também são analisadas, a partir de tema específico: o poder público e o poder privado no Brasil e sua relação com o desenvolvimento incompleto da cidadania no país. Apesar de adotarem perspectivas teóricas distintas, as obras servem à compreensão do debate clássico da historiografia brasileira entre privatismo e patrimonialismo, o que não as reduz a categorias estanques. Por sua vez, retratam dois perfis intelectuais: Faoro, o pensador de temas abrangentes, sem a formação técnica de historiador, e Leal, representante das primeiras gerações dotadas de saber acadêmico especializado. / The present essay aims at investigating the performance of two jurists throughout the Military Government in Brazil (1964-1985): Victor Nunes Leal Minister of the Supreme Court (STF) retired compulsorily in January 1969 as a consequence of the Institutional Act number 5/1968; and Raymundo Faoro President of the Federal Council of the Brazilian Lawyers Order (OAB) from 1977 to 1979 became an important interlocutor between civil society and the government of President Geisel, on behalf of the return to democracy. Additionally, the works of these two jurists and historians, respectively: Coronelismo: municipality and representative government in Brazil (1949), and The Owners of Power: the Formation of Brazilian Political Patronage (1958), both re-edited in 1975, are under analyses due to a common topic: the incomplete development of citizenship in Brazil and its relation to public and private power in the country. Despite of adopting a different theoretical perspective, both works are helpful to the understanding of the classic debate on Brazilian historiography between Privatism and Patrimonialism, although these are not depurate categories. Furthermore, these works portray two very distinct intellectual biographies: Faoro, a thinker of broad themes, who had no technical studies in History; and Leal, who represents the first generations of a specialized academic knowledge.

Occupation operations are some of the most resource and planning intensive military undertakings in modern combat. The United States Army has a long tradition of conducting military government operations, stretching back to the Revolutionary War. Yet the emergence of military government operational doctrine was a relatively new development for the United States Army. During the World Wars, the Army reluctantly embraced civil administration responsibilities as a pragmatic reaction to the realities of total war. In the face of opposition from the Roosevelt administration, the United States Army established an enduring doctrine for military government in the crucible of the European Theater of Operations.

The history of the United States' occupation and administration of the Philippines is a premiere example of the evolution of the American military's civil administrative approach as it evolved from simple Army security in 1898, through an evolving ‘whole-of-government' method, to what was practically the full military administration of the country by March 1945. The second liberation and subsequent administration of the Philippines by the United States Army was unique, not simply because of the physical characteristics of the operations, but more so because of the theater commander, General Douglas MacArthur. MacArthur used a rather self-reliant approach that rejected much of the direction from various authorities in Washington and adopted independently authored local solutions, but he took advantage of external resources when necessary. Ultimately the United States Army Forces in the Far East (USAFFE) under his command had to accept external direction to gain external resources. The Army's civil administrative planning and execution in the Philippines in 1944-1945 was the direct result of the social, political, economic, and military relationships between Americans and Filipinos from 1898 to 1944, much of which involved MacArthur, and the institutional changes that developed from these interactions. The result was civil administration that met the local and immediate requirements suitable for the conditions at hand. By August 1945 the Army ended civil affairs operations and transferred responsibility to the Commonwealth government of the Philippines and the Foreign Economic Administration (FEA).

This study analyzed the causes of military coups and the consequences of military rule in the Third World during the 1960-1985 period. Using a coup d" etat score, including both successful and unsuccessful coups, as a dependent variable and collecting data for 109 developing nations from the World Handbook of Political and Social Indicators, The New York Times Index, and public documents, sixteen hypotheses derived from the literature on the causes of military coups were tested by both simple and multiple regression models for the Third World as a whole, as well as for four regions (Sub-Saharan Africa, Asia, Latin America, and the Middle East and North Africa) and in two time periods (1960-1970 and 1971-1985). Similarly, three models of military rule (progressive, Huntington's, and revisionist models) were analyzed to assess the consequences of military rule. The results of the study concerning the causes of military coups suggest four conclusions. First, three independent variables (social mobilization, cultural homogeneity, and dominant ethnic groups in the society) have stabilizing consequences. Second, six independent variables (previous coup experience, social mobilization divided by political institutionalization, length of national independence, economic deterioration, internal war, and military dominance) have destabilizing consequences. Third, multiple regression models for each region are very useful; most models explain more than 50% of the variance in military coups. Fourth, the time period covered is an important factor affecting explanations of the causes of military coups. In the analysis of the consequences of military rule, this study found that military governments did not differ significally from civilian governments in terms of economic, education, health, and social performances. However, the study found that military rule decreased political and civil rights. Its findings are thus very consistent with the best of the literature.

This thesis attempts to analyze the military government's role in solving the country's agricultural problems. This analysis is essential because it was during the military's stay in power that Nigeria's potential as a selfsufficient and food exporting nation declined. Materials collected to analyze the above problems reveal that the military government's lack of adequate personnel to supervise and implement decisions taken on agriculture, unplanned schemes, and unresearched projects were partly responsible for the government's inability to solve Nigeria's agricultural problems. While it may be necessary to blame the military government for not being able to completely solve the country's numerous agricultural problems, the presence of global political and economic decisions seriously hampered measures taken by the military government.

O presente trabalho tem duplo objetivo, prático e teórico. Em termos práticos, busca sistematizar as discussões sobre a responsabilização dos militares e do Estado por acontecimentos do regime militar, bem como sobre a busca da verdade e a preservação da memória. Destacam-se nas discussões os acontecimentos da Guerrilha do Araguaia. Em termos teóricos, tem a intenção de apresentar uma exposição compreensiva da Teoria da Argumentação, tentando adaptá-la, na medida do possível, às necessidades da Argumentação Jurídica. Para cumprir esse duplo objetivo, o trabalho aplica a Teoria da Argumentação às discussões sobre o regime militar almejando benefícios para a teoria e para a prática. Desse modo, o trabalho inicia apresentando os principais conceitos e ferramentas da Teoria da Argumentação. Em seguida, realiza algumas adaptações das ferramentas para que sejam utilizadas na argumentação jurídica. Por fim, utilizando os conceitos e ferramentas expostos e adaptados, apresenta o Mapa Argumentativo dos debates sobre o regime militar, com destaque para as discussões sobre a possibilidade de responsabilizar criminalmente os militares por torturas, execuções e desaparecimentos forçados. São levados em consideração especialmente os aspectos fáticos do caso da Guerrilha do Araguaia e argumentos levantados pelo STF no julgamento da ADPF 153 e pela Corte Interamericana de Direitos Humanos no Caso Gomes Lund (Guerrilha do Araguaia) v. Brasil. A dissertação conclui que os militares não foram beneficiados pela Lei de Anistia e aponta para a continuidade dos debates tanto sobre o aspecto criminal quanto outros problemas identificados no Mapa. Na parte teórica, chama-se atenção para a necessidade de continuar o estudo da Teoria da Argumentação e de adaptá-la às necessidades da Argumentação Jurídica. / This dissertation has two objectives: a practical and a theoretical one. The practical objective is to organize discussions concerning the responsibility of the State and the Military due to events occurred in the Brazilian Military Government, as well as discussions about the search for the historical truth and preservation of its memory. Special attention is draw upon the Araguaias Guerilla. Theoretically, the work intends to present the main aspects of Argumentation Theory trying to adapt it - as long as possible - to be used in Legal Argumentation. To fulfill this double objective, one applies Argumentation Theory to the Military Government events discussions aiming for benefits both for theory and practice. Hence, it begins presenting the essential concepts and tools of Argumentation Theory. It follows with the tools adaptations to Legal Argumentation. Finally, the Argumentation Map of the discussions is presented. The problem whether the most severe crimes of the military personnel (tortures and executions for instance) were amnestied is dealt with in greater detail. The events of Araguaias Guerrilla, the arguments of Brazilian Supreme Court in ADPF 153 and the arguments of the Inter-American Court of Human Rights in Gomes Lund v Brazil Case are all given special attention. The dissertation concludes that the military (States agents) were not amnestied. It also points out the next steps in the discussions. As for the theoretical concerns, the conclusion draws attention to the importance of studying and developing Argumentation Theory in connection with Legal Argumentation.

Nessa dissertação pretendemos analisar como o Estado brasileiro participou da construção das instituições de ensino e pesquisa na cidade de Campinas e de como essa estrutura foi mobilizada no sentido de realizar parte das iniciativas desenvolvimentistas presentes no Modelo Brasileiro de Desenvolvimento. Além da análise sobre a relação existente entre as políticas de ciência e tecnologia e o planejamento econômico do regime militar, pretendemos demonstrar quais as estruturas políticas e sociais que permitiram a formação de um polo tecnológico na cidade de Campinas. Procuraremos descrever como o processo de crescimento da economia local permitiu o surgimento de uma nova modalidade de produção baseada na alta tecnologia, e como o conteúdo tecnológico foi mobilizado pela academia científica e instituições de pesquisa da cidade. / This dissertation aims to analyze how the Brazilian State participated in the creation of educational and research institutions in the city of Campinas and how this structure was used in order to execute part of the developmental initiatives found in the Brazilian Development Model. Besides the analysis of the relationship between the economic planning of the military regime and science and technology policies , we aim to reveal the political and social structures that supported the development of a technological pole in the city of Campinas. We will describe how the local economy growth process supported the rise of a new modality of production based on the high technology, and how the technological content was used by the scientific academy and research institutions of the city.

O presente trabalho tem duplo objetivo, prático e teórico. Em termos práticos, busca sistematizar as discussões sobre a responsabilização dos militares e do Estado por acontecimentos do regime militar, bem como sobre a busca da verdade e a preservação da memória. Destacam-se nas discussões os acontecimentos da Guerrilha do Araguaia. Em termos teóricos, tem a intenção de apresentar uma exposição compreensiva da Teoria da Argumentação, tentando adaptá-la, na medida do possível, às necessidades da Argumentação Jurídica. Para cumprir esse duplo objetivo, o trabalho aplica a Teoria da Argumentação às discussões sobre o regime militar almejando benefícios para a teoria e para a prática. Desse modo, o trabalho inicia apresentando os principais conceitos e ferramentas da Teoria da Argumentação. Em seguida, realiza algumas adaptações das ferramentas para que sejam utilizadas na argumentação jurídica. Por fim, utilizando os conceitos e ferramentas expostos e adaptados, apresenta o Mapa Argumentativo dos debates sobre o regime militar, com destaque para as discussões sobre a possibilidade de responsabilizar criminalmente os militares por torturas, execuções e desaparecimentos forçados. São levados em consideração especialmente os aspectos fáticos do caso da Guerrilha do Araguaia e argumentos levantados pelo STF no julgamento da ADPF 153 e pela Corte Interamericana de Direitos Humanos no Caso Gomes Lund (Guerrilha do Araguaia) v. Brasil. A dissertação conclui que os militares não foram beneficiados pela Lei de Anistia e aponta para a continuidade dos debates tanto sobre o aspecto criminal quanto outros problemas identificados no Mapa. Na parte teórica, chama-se atenção para a necessidade de continuar o estudo da Teoria da Argumentação e de adaptá-la às necessidades da Argumentação Jurídica. / This dissertation has two objectives: a practical and a theoretical one. The practical objective is to organize discussions concerning the responsibility of the State and the Military due to events occurred in the Brazilian Military Government, as well as discussions about the search for the historical truth and preservation of its memory. Special attention is draw upon the Araguaias Guerilla. Theoretically, the work intends to present the main aspects of Argumentation Theory trying to adapt it - as long as possible - to be used in Legal Argumentation. To fulfill this double objective, one applies Argumentation Theory to the Military Government events discussions aiming for benefits both for theory and practice. Hence, it begins presenting the essential concepts and tools of Argumentation Theory. It follows with the tools adaptations to Legal Argumentation. Finally, the Argumentation Map of the discussions is presented. The problem whether the most severe crimes of the military personnel (tortures and executions for instance) were amnestied is dealt with in greater detail. The events of Araguaias Guerrilla, the arguments of Brazilian Supreme Court in ADPF 153 and the arguments of the Inter-American Court of Human Rights in Gomes Lund v Brazil Case are all given special attention. The dissertation concludes that the military (States agents) were not amnestied. It also points out the next steps in the discussions. As for the theoretical concerns, the conclusion draws attention to the importance of studying and developing Argumentation Theory in connection with Legal Argumentation.