Orientador: Geraldo Di Giovanni / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Economia / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-08T08:46:01Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Silva_TiagoFalcao_M.pdf: 1575005 bytes, checksum: ba8a8c05d503fba829b12784394151e3 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2006 / Resumo: O lançamento e/ou ampliação de programas de transferência direta de renda, são considerados por inúmeros analistas como a principal inovação na política social brasileira nos últimos anos. No entanto, a experiência brasileira com programas desta natureza, é longa. Inicia-se em 1941, com o lançamento do abono família e amplia-se, ainda na década de 1970, com a instituição da Previdência Rural e da Renda Mensal Vitalícia. Não obstante, são as profundas reformas implementadas a partir da década de 1990, no arranjo institucional, na concepção dos programas e na definição dos recursos voltados, prioritariamente, para a população em situação de pobreza, que dão visibilidade ao tema. Esta dissertação tem como objeto de estudo o Sistema Federal de Proteção Social Brasileiro. Demonstra-se que as referidas reformas sofrem a influência da combinação de seis fatores: a Constituição de 1988; o reconhecimento da ineficácia de programas tradicionais; o reconhecimento de ¿novos¿ problemas na agenda governamental; a observação das experiências municipais e estaduais; a crise de financiamento do Estado; e o debate internacional sobre renda mínima. Percebe-se que o arranjo institucional proposto no Governo Fernando Henrique Cardoso, não resolveu os tradicionais problemas de fragmentação e superposição de objetivos, competências e público-alvo. Adicionalmente, verifica-se que os programas de transferência direta de renda têm uma base de financiamento frágil e incompatível com o tamanho e a complexidade dos problemas que pretendem enfrentar, permeados por grandes possibilidades de instabilidade e descontinuidade. Dentro das condições deste estudo, conclui-se que a proposta de unificação dos programas de transferência direta de renda, em execução no Governo Lula, surge como uma oportunidade impar de fortalecimento das ações sociais no sentido da consolidação de um Sistema Federal de Transferência Direta de Renda no Brasil / Abstract: Several analysts consider the launch and/or expansion of direct income transfer programs as the main innovation in the Brazilian Social Policy System in the recent period. However, Brazil has a long time tradition on the execution of such programs, which was initiated in 1941 when the abono familiar was launched and then enlarged in the 1970¿s with the implementation of the Rural Social Security and the Lifetime Monthly Grant. Notwithstanding, since the decade of 1990, greater visibility was given to the theme due to the significant reforms that were put into practice ¿ the institutional public arrangements; the conception of the programs and its resources allocation, prioritizing the low income population. This thesis aims at investigating the Brazilian Federal System of Social Protection. It attempts to demonstrate that the referred reforms were influenced by the combination of six major factors: the Constitution of 1988; the recognition of the inefficiency of traditional programs; the recognition of the existence of ¿new¿ problems in the governmental agenda; the observation of the states and districts experiences; the State funding crisis and the international debate about minimum income. It can be noticed that the institutional array employed by the government of the ex-President, Fernando Henrique Cardoso, did not solve traditional problems such as: fragmentation and overlapping of objectives, competences and targeted population. It can be verified that the programs have a fragile funding structure and are not compatible with the size and complexity of the problems they are intended to address, in addition to the fact that there are great possibilities of instabilities and discontinuities. This analysis comes to the conclusion that the proposal of the unification of the direct transfer income programs, which have been implemented by Lula's government, emerges as an unique opportunity for strengthening social actions in the sense of allowing the consolidation of a Federal System of Direct Income Transfer in Brazil / Mestrado / Economia Social e do Trabalho / Mestre em Desenvolvimento Econômico

Made available in DSpace on 2014-07-29T15:27:24Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 DISSERTACAO MESTRADO MARY-NISE.pdf: 800042 bytes, checksum: 1f8cd37bcb57f0835840088a038b6aaf (MD5) Previous issue date: 2005-08-23 / This study analyzes a governmental social policy, implemented in Goiás from 1995 to 2002. The study focus on two programs: Apoio às Famílias Carentes (1995 to 1998) and Renda Cidadã (1999 to 2002). Through this analysis, the similarities and the differences between the design of the two programs, as well as the possible advances and innovations introduced into the scenario of the governmental social policies in Goiás were established, specially during a moment of decentralization of the social policies in the country. For the purpose of analysis and discussion, a reexamination of the literature was done in order to achieve the various approaches concerning historical conditions and the proper perspectives of the social policies and programs. The case study, as an empiric approach technique for the analysis of the main point of research, allowed the use of the following research techniques: semi-structured interviews, documental research, use of statistical data and observation. The results show an advance both of the mechanisms and the form of implementation of social policies and programs in Goiás. There is no doubt that such programs have the goal of improving the lives of destitute families. However, despite their importance in a context of destitution, there are indications that they were not able to reach the totality of the target public in Goiás destitute families who earn one minimum salary or less. As a consequence, it became difficult to achieve the goals of fighting against the poverty in the State. This persistent scenario of poverty, not only in Goiás, but in the whole country of Brazil, shows that there is a great deal of work left to do in order to minimize the social differences, specially poverty. / Este trabalho analisa uma política social do governo, na área de assistência social, implementada e efetivada em Goiás no período de 1995 a 2002, sob a ótica de dois programas: Apoio às Famílias Carentes (1995 a 1998) e o Renda Cidadã (1999 a 2002). Nessa análise, estabelecem-se as semelhanças e as diferenças entre os desenhos dos dois programas, bem como os possíveis avanços e inovações introduzidos no cenário das políticas sociais de governo em Goiás, especialmente num momento de descentralização das políticas sociais no país. Para análise e discussão fez-se a revisitação da literatura, buscando as diferentes abordagens acerca das condições históricas e as perspectivas pertinentes às políticas sociais e programas. O estudo de caso, como técnica de abordagem empírica para análise do problema de pesquisa, permitiu a utilização das seguintes técnicas de pesquisa: entrevistas semi-estruturadas, pesquisa documental, uso de dados estatísticos e observação. Os resultados indicam um avanço dos mecanismos e da forma de efetivação de políticas e programas sociais em Goiás. Não se tem dúvida de que tais programas buscaram contribuir para a melhoria de vida das famílias carentes, todavia, apesar da importância deles, num contexto de carência, há indicações de que eles não conseguiram alcançar a totalidade do público-alvo em Goiás as famílias carentes com até um salário mínimo. De certa forma, deparam com limites e desafios para ampliar o alcance e os objetivos para enfrentamento da pobreza no estado. Esse quadro persistente de pobreza, não só em Goiás, mas em todo Brasil, revela que muito ainda há para se fazer, para que se minimize as desigualdades sociais, sobretudo a pobreza.

A guaranteed minimum income benefit (GMIB) is a long-dated option that can be embedded in a deferred variable annuity. The GMIB is attractive because, for policyholders who plan to annuitize, it offers protection against poor market performance during the accumulation phase, and adverse interest rate experience at annuitization. The GMIB also provides an upside equity guarantee that resembles the benefit provided by a lookback option. We price the GMIB, and determine the fair fee rate that should be charged. Due to the long dated nature of the option, conventional hedging methods, such as delta hedging, will only be partially successful. Therefore, we are motivated to find alternative hedging methods which are practicable for long-dated options. First, we measure the effectiveness of static hedging strategies for the GMIB. Static hedging portfolios are constructed based on minimizing the Conditional Tail Expectation of the hedging loss distribution, or minimizing the mean squared hedging loss. Next, we measure the performance of semi-static hedging strategies for the GMIB. We present a practical method for testing semi-static strategies applied to long term options, which employs nested Monte Carlo simulations and standard optimization methods. The semi-static strategies involve periodically rebalancing the hedging portfolio at certain time intervals during the accumulation phase, such that, at the option maturity date, the hedging portfolio payoff is equal to or exceeds the option value, subject to an acceptable level of risk. While we focus on the GMIB as a case study, the methods we utilize are extendable to other types of long-dated options with similar features.

A guaranteed minimum income benefit (GMIB) is a long-dated option that can be embedded in a deferred variable annuity. The GMIB is attractive because, for policyholders who plan to annuitize, it offers protection against poor market performance during the accumulation phase, and adverse interest rate experience at annuitization. The GMIB also provides an upside equity guarantee that resembles the benefit provided by a lookback option. We price the GMIB, and determine the fair fee rate that should be charged. Due to the long dated nature of the option, conventional hedging methods, such as delta hedging, will only be partially successful. Therefore, we are motivated to find alternative hedging methods which are practicable for long-dated options. First, we measure the effectiveness of static hedging strategies for the GMIB. Static hedging portfolios are constructed based on minimizing the Conditional Tail Expectation of the hedging loss distribution, or minimizing the mean squared hedging loss. Next, we measure the performance of semi-static hedging strategies for the GMIB. We present a practical method for testing semi-static strategies applied to long term options, which employs nested Monte Carlo simulations and standard optimization methods. The semi-static strategies involve periodically rebalancing the hedging portfolio at certain time intervals during the accumulation phase, such that, at the option maturity date, the hedging portfolio payoff is equal to or exceeds the option value, subject to an acceptable level of risk. While we focus on the GMIB as a case study, the methods we utilize are extendable to other types of long-dated options with similar features.

This dissertation consists of three articles on social assistance benefit receipt dynamics in European countries. The first article presents an analysis of state dependence in benefit receipt in Germany based on annual survey data from the German Socio-Economic Panel. The observation period extends from 1995 to 2011, thus covering the 2005 'Hartz reforms'. I estimate a series of dynamic random-effects probit models to control for observed and unobserved heterogeneity and the endogeneity of initial conditions. The high observed state dependence has a substantial structural component, with benefit receipt one year ago being associated with an increase in the likelihood of receipt today by 13 percentage points. There is only little evidence for time-variation in state dependence. The second article presents evidence on spell durations and the frequency of repeat spells using monthly administrative data from Luxembourg, the Netherlands, Norway and Sweden. In the two Nordic countries, short-term benefit receipt is the norm, with only around 6% and 11% of spells in Norway and Sweden lasting longer than 12 months. Most recipients however have multiple spells. In Luxembourg and the Netherlands, long-term benefit receipt is frequent, with median spell durations of 14 and 9 months, respectively, and one-third and one-quarter of all spells lasting 24 months or longer. The total duration of benefit receipt across spells is much higher in the Netherlands and Luxembourg than in Norway and Sweden. The third article tests the validity of one of the central assumptions of dynamic discrete-choice models of benefit dynamics, the conditional Markov property. Using monthly administrative data from Norway, the article shows that the Markov property is violated as estimated state dependence is affected by the chosen time unit of analysis. The standard model can be improved by permitting for different entry and persistence equations and duration and occurrence dependence in benefit receipt.

This thesis investigates the sensitivity of derived monetary valuations of the well-being effects of non-market goods, by considering, in turn, the four components that contribute to these calculations. Comparisons are made to the current subjective well-being (SWB) literature by altering one component at a time in a willingness to pay (WTP) function, in addition to varying the estimator used when calculating WTP. The first component varied is the measure of income used; a more robust, up-to-date measure is proposed that takes into account household size, economies of scale and composition, plus other improvements over current income scaling approaches including equivalence scales. Secondly, anticipation and adaptation effects are examined, in order to allow for the dynamics of SWB in WTP valuations. Thirdly, due to the ordered nature of the dependent variable, the effects of both cardinal and ordinal models on WTP derivations are investigated. Such models include the ordered logit fixed effects (FE) model (see for example Das and Van Soest (1999), Ferrer-i-Carbonell and Frijters (2004) and Baetschmann et al. (2011)). The final input to be varied is whether income endogeneity is accounted for. A control function approach is used in this case. A key finding is that all four inputs in the WTP calculation contribute significantly to the estimated WTP values. However, the degree to which each input influences the variation in WTP values differs substantially. The three main contributing factors to WTP variations are the income variable chosen, anticipation and adaptation effects, and controlling for endogeneity. Additionally, this thesis proposes a new way to define WTP that is also valid for ordered estimators. Whilst the standard WTP approach relies simply on coefficient ratios at a point in time, the method proposed here uses the finding that statistically significant anticipation and adaptation effects, along with adaptation to all non-market events (except for unemployment) suggest that there are concerns with taking WTP values as yearly valuations that assume constant effects on SWB. By instead defining WTP as the summation of the value of all WTP effects over all lag and lead effect periods, the total value of an event can be calculated. This definition presents further weaknesses of the original method by showing that because of significant lag and lead effects for events such as divorce and widowhood, these events have substantially larger WTP values than first thought. This leads to the major finding in this study that rank orders are not preserved when controlling for income endogeneity, even when comparing two model specifications that are identical in all other respects. Therefore, despite absolute WTP valuations appearing more similar for linear and ordered estimators when a more appropriate model specification is in place, the rank orders are affected. This finding argues against papers such as Powdthavee and van den Berg (2011) that find that rank orders are preserved for WTP valuations when modelling SWB. In conclusion, given rank orders are generally not preserved when a small change is made in the model specification, the validity of the WTP method is significantly reduced. Finally, the above methodology is applied to education, with the main contribution to the education literature being that the positive effects on SWB from education only exist in terms of lead effects.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-06-02T19:38:50Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 DissANAD.pdf: 1727816 bytes, checksum: 1a6e8ba6929b30ab970966a192c14265 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2006-12-14 / The low income of the illiterate population in Brazil was for a long time pointed as a consequence of its educational situation and cause of a gap between the highly sophisticated work market and a non qualified hand labor. The State, aiming to correct this disproportion through education, has started to create opportunities of access to education, targeting a better social justice level. The minimum income projects monetary help were not originally linked to the education. They used to target an income universal allocation in order to face unemployment and poverty. With time, the minimum income programs in Brazil have restricted the benefits supply to the families which had children in school age. The link between income and education was incorporated in order to join the idea that the State could not only furnish the benefit without no the beneficiary to learn anything from the process, as a counterpart. Besides that, that would be a way to make the education universal right possible, as it is determined by the Human Rights Declaration, Constitution, BDL and CTA. In São José do Rio Preto, one of the São Paulo State cities with better HDR (Human Development Rate) (0,834) and educational coverage in the country, the introduction of the School Fund Program had as its basis the same principles as the Federal Government School Fund Executive Program. The research evaluates and concludes the lack of any kind of special attendance to the families helped and the control, restricted only to the observing of the children frequency to school. Finally, through a questionnaire applied to the students, parents and teachers from Darcy Ribeiro City School and to the City Education Secretary we have evaluated the children school development before and after receiving the Fund, besides the idea the Education Secretary has towards the Program. / A baixa renda da população analfabeta no Brasil foi, durante muito tempo, indicada como conseqüência de sua situação educacional e causadora de uma defasagem entre um mercado de trabalho cada vez mais sofisticado e uma mão-de-obra não qualificada. Com o objetivo de corrigir essa desigualdade, o Estado, por meio da educação, passou a criar oportunidades de acesso à educação, garantindo uma melhor justiça social. Os projetos de renda mínima, originalmente, não vinculavam o benefício à educação, mas pretendiam uma alocação universal de renda, como enfrentamento do desemprego e da pobreza. Com o tempo, os programas de renda mínima, no Brasil, passaram a restringir o fornecimento dos benefícios às famílias que possuíam crianças em idade escolar fundamental. O vínculo entre renda e educação foi incorporado para atender a idéia de que o Estado não poderia simplesmente dar um benefício sem que o beneficiário aprendesse algo nesse processo, como contrapartida. Além disso, seria uma forma de possibilitar a universalização do direito à educação, como é previsto pela Declaração dos Direitos do Homem, Constituição e L.D.B. e E.C.A. Em São José do Rio Preto, uma das cidades do estado de São Paulo com melhores índices de IDH (0,834) e de cobertura educacional do país, a implantação do Programa Bolsa-Escola teve como base os mesmos princípios do Programa Executivo Bolsa-Escola do Governo Federal. A pesquisa investiga e constata a falta de qualquer tipo de acompanhamento especial das famílias atendidas e do controle, restrito apenas à aferição da freqüência das crianças às escolas. Finalmente, por meio de um questionário aplicado aos alunos, pais, professores da Escola Municipal Darcy Ribeiro e à Secretária da Educação do município, avaliamos o rendimento escolar dos alunos antes e depois do recebimento da Bolsa e a concepção da Secretária de Educação do município a respeito do Programa.

Submitted by Renata Lopes (renatasil82@gmail.com) on 2016-09-19T17:26:49Z No. of bitstreams: 1 wesleyhelkerfeliciosilva.pdf: 974634 bytes, checksum: 4e3ca0d2970b28605e0c36299a9d7ff8 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Diamantino Mayra (mayra.diamantino@ufjf.edu.br) on 2016-09-26T20:23:17Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 wesleyhelkerfeliciosilva.pdf: 974634 bytes, checksum: 4e3ca0d2970b28605e0c36299a9d7ff8 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-09-26T20:23:17Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 wesleyhelkerfeliciosilva.pdf: 974634 bytes, checksum: 4e3ca0d2970b28605e0c36299a9d7ff8 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-09-20 / CAPES - Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Desde sua criação, o Programa Bolsa Família pela dimensão que tomou vem sendo o meio mais propalado de combater a pobreza e a desigualdade social no Brasil. No contexto, entretanto, em que foi criado e expandido, o país, submetido aos receituários neoliberais, tomava medidas econômicas que proporcionaram um maior avanço do capital financeiro sobre o fundo público. Assim, sob a égide do capitalismo contemporâneo, o Bolsa Família apresenta os pressupostos de uma política social focalizada, que, submissa a política econômica favorecedora do capital portador de juros, apenas mitiga a pobreza extrema, enquanto que, por outro lado, o capital se alimenta de quantidades exorbitantes de dinheiro provenientes do fundo público. O objetivo deste trabalho, portanto, é analisar os aspectos centrais deste programa considerando seus fundamentos econômicos e político-filosóficos. A partir de uma abordagem crítico-dialética, foi utilizada a pesquisa bibliográfica e documental para analisar o programa e sua relação com a política econômica dos governos Lula. Analisou-se ainda a concepção política do Bolsa Família a partir de um resgate bibliográfico sobre as principais propostas de renda mínima no contexto mundial, contribuindo para explicitar sua lógica interna e seu caráter político-filosófico. Portanto, percebeu-se que o Bolsa Família é uma política de renda mínima brasileira, ancorada nos pressupostos teóricos defendidos pelos paladinos do neoliberalismo e coerente com sua proposta de renda mínima denominada de Imposto de Renda Negativo. / Since its creation, the Bolsa Família Program by the extention that it has taken has been the most propagated way of combating poverty and social inequality in the Brazil. In the context, however, where it was created and expanded, the country, submitted to neoliberal prescriptions, had taken economic measures that provided the greatest advancement of financial capital on the public fund. Thus, under the aegis of modern capitalism, the Bolsa Família presents the principles of a focused social policy, that, submissive to the economic policy favoring the interest bearing capital, only mitigates extreme poverty, while, on the other hand, the capital feeds itself on exorbitant amounts of money from the public fund. This study therefore is to examine the central aspects of this program considering its economic and political-philosophical fundamentals. From a critical-dialectical approach, we used the bibliographic and documentary research to examine the program and its relationship with the economic policy of the Lula government. It was also analyzed the political concept of the Bolsa Família from a rescue literature on the main proposals of minimum income in the world context, helping to explain its inner logic and its political-philosophical. Therefore, it was realized that the Bolsa Família is a minimum income policy in Brazil, anchored on a theoretical framework advocated by the champions of neoliberalism and consistent with its proposed minimum income called the Negative Income Tax.

Ce mémoire vise à comprendre la détermination des droits et des obligations relatifs aux individus seuls aptes à l’emploi bénéficiant de l’aide sociale allemande entre 1990 et 2012. Tout d’abord, il passe en revue les principaux mécanismes formels de fixation et d’actualisation des droits monétaires présents dans la plupart des pays de l’OCDE et montre par quels moyens l’Allemagne détermine la générosité des revenus de l’aide sociale. Soulevant le caractère plutôt arbitraire de ces mécanismes, il poursuit en soutenant que la générosité relative des droits et des obligations des individus seuls aptes à l’emploi peut principalement s’expliquer en des termes de conditionnalité et de mérite. Par le biais d’une revue de la littérature sur le sujet, le mémoire illustre comment les dynamiques catégorielles et la construction des programmes de dernier recours allemands en viennent à refléter une hiérarchie implicite du mérite expliquant à la fois la générosité plus faible des droits monétaires et la plus grande conditionnalité des droits sociaux visant les bénéficiaires seuls aptes à l’emploi. Finalement, il soutient que la construction du régime concernant les individus aptes à l’emploi en Allemagne doit se comprendre selon l’utilisation des droits et des obligations en tant que levier de régulation de l’individu et du marché du travail. Dans cette optique, le mémoire montre que les réformes Hartz du marché du travail ont non seulement formalisé le tournant pris vers l’activation du sans-emploi en Allemagne, mais que la construction particulière du nouveau régime de droits et d’obligations visant les individus aptes reflète ultimement l’objectif de diminution du chômage via la création d’emplois dans le secteur des bas salaires. / This thesis aims to understand the determination of rights and obligations related to single unemployed able-bodied individuals benefiting from the German social assistance between 1990 and 2012. To do so, the thesis reviews the main formal benchmark and actualization mechanisms of monetary rights present in most OECD countries and shows how Germany determines the generosity of social assistance benefits. Raising the somewhat arbitrary nature of these mechanisms, it goes on to argue that the relative generosity of the rights and obligations of unemployed able-bodied individuals can be explained mainly in terms of conditionality and deservingness. Through a literature review on the topic, the thesis illustrates how the categorical differentiation and the particular construction of last resort programs in Germany come to reflect an implicit hierarchy based on deservingness, explaining both the lowest generosity of monetary rights and the greater conditionality attached to social rights concerning single able-bodied individuals. Finally, it argues that the construction of the rights and obligations for these citizens must be understood as a control lever allowing the regulation of both the individual and the labour market. From this perspective, the thesis shows that the Hartz reforms have not only formalized the activation paradigm regulating unemployment in Germany, but that the particular construction of the new scheme for able- bodied individuals ultimately reflects the objective of reducing unemployment by creating jobs in the low-wage sector.

It is widely agreed that a society must guarantee a social minimum to all its members. Yet, the organisation of social protection within the European Union (EU) is insufficient to protect all Europeans effectively against the risk of poverty and social exclusion. Against this backdrop, this thesis investigates whether a European universal basic income (EUBI) is, if at all, a worthwhile policy to address the problem of poverty in the EU.The central claim of the study posits that there are strong reasons to consider a partial EUBI as a desirable instrument for EU-wide poverty alleviation. Under this scenario, the EU works as a complementary welfare layer offering systemic support to its Member States’ welfare models whilst respecting the diversity of national social protection arrangements. At the same time, as an instrument of pan-European solidarity, the EUBI provides substance to EU social citizenship.The method used is problem-oriented and interdisciplinary, combining insights from political theory, political economy and EU studies writ large. After having layed out the various dimensions underpinning the problem of poverty in the EU and clarified the contours of the solution under scrutiny, the thesis confronts the EUBI with a series of challenges, ranging from normative issues associated with the unconditionality of the basic income and the pursuit of social justice in the EU, to the institutional hurdles pertaining to the legal feasibility of the proposal, via the macroeconomic difficulties related to the diversity of interdependent economies.Overall, this contribution examines an idea which remains unexplored in EU studies and proposes a new approach to European anti-poverty strategy. It also bridges the gap between EU social policy and basic income literatures, beyond established boundaries of research compartmentalisation. As such, it prepares the ground for further fine-tuned research in the areas covered by this comprehensive multi-dimensional analysis. / Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished