Le XIVe siècle voit le passage de l’Etat domanial à l’Etat fiscal : le royaume de France, confronté à un déficit budgétaire dont la principale cause est la multiplication des conflits militaires, subit de nouvelles formes de prélèvement, qualifiées d’extraordinaires mais en réalité de plus en plus banales. Le Languedoc offre une perspective intéressante dans la mesure où la région n’a été rattachée au domaine royal qu’au siècle précédent. L’étude porte sur la sénéchaussée de Carcassonne, pour laquelle les fonds sont particulièrement riches, notamment sur le plan comptable. On y observe une domination précoce des impôts directs (fouages) dont la gestion est en grande partie laissée à la charge des villes et communautés, principaux interlocuteurs du roi et de ses représentants, notamment dans les assemblées d’Etats. Dans la seconde moitié du siècle, le Languedoc n’échappe pas aux taxations indirectes, qui elles aussi deviennent récurrentes. L’étude montre la stabilité du système fiscal languedocien, mais aussi la complexité croissante de l’appareil administratif gérant le prélèvement, dans un contexte politique et diplomatique pour le moins troublé. La gestion de l’impôt est en quelque sorte « bipolaire » : les fouages obéissent à une tradition régionale, tandis que les taxes indirectes sur les marchandises et les échanges obéissent à des règles théoriquement valables pour tout le royaume. La figure du lieutenant royal en Languedoc, rapidement monopolisée par des princes du sang, permet d’assurer une dialectique subtile entre le centre et la périphérie, au même titre que le système des apanages caractéristique de la dynastie des Valois, en faisant circuler dans le royaume un grand nombre d’officiers dont une partie, néanmoins, est d’origine locale. Ce sont ces « intermédiaires de l’impôt » qui permettent au système de fonctionner. / In the 14th century, the public domain State changes into the tax State : the kingdom of France confronted with a budget deficit mainly caused by the multiplication of military conflicts faces new types of taxation deemed amazing but actually more and more commonplace. The Languedoc region is worth exploring insofar as it was only united with the royal realm in the previous century. The survey focuses on the seneschalsy of Carcassonne whose funds are particularly rich especially in the accounting field. Direct taxation (hearth taxes) early prevails there, the management of which is mostly under the control of towns and communities, the main interlocutors of the king and his representatives in particular in the State assemblies. In the second half of the century, Languedoc is hit as well by indirect taxes which are becoming recurrent too. The survey shows the stability of the Languedoc tax system but also the increasing complexity of the services ruling tax collection in a political and diplomatic context, troubled to say the least. Tax management is 'bipolar', so to speak. Hearth taxes obey a regional tradition whereas indirect taxes on commodities and exchanges obey rules which in theory are at work in all the kingdom. The royal lieutenant figure in Languedoc soon monopolized by princes of royal blood helps ensure a subtle dialogue between the centre and the periphery, as does the apanage system which characterizes the Valois dynasty, by circulating a large number of officers some of whom are, however, locally born. These tax 'go-betweens' do allow the system to work.

The Relation between Justice and the State and its transformation in present times Abstract This thesis deals with the relation between justice and the state. The concept of justice is discussed and examined since the beginnings of philosophy of law, yet its content is not conclusively defined. There is no satisfactory answer to the question what is just. The concept of the state is, despite its complicated development, more settled. Interestingly enough, the relation between both concepts were discussed almost as often and as thoroughly, as both concepts separately - especially in the context of the question of whether and what state is just. This thesis examines both of those concepts and puts them in a connection - it shows, that the relation between justice and a state is necessary. The starting points of this claim are - apart from the analysis of historical opinions on both concepts - the idea of Hans Kelsen, that absolute justice is inaccessible to human knowledge and thus we have to settle for relative justice, and the thesis of G. W. F. Hegel, according to whom that, what is real, is reasonable, and that what is reasonable is real. Based on this thesis, a new thesis is defined: that what is real, is just. This is a concept of relative justice - justice is dependent on a particular time and space,...

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Le Tournaisis, entre le XIVe et le XVIe siècle, n’est qu’une poussière à l’échelle du royaume de France puis, après 1521, des Pays-Bas de Charles Quint. La soixantaine de paroisses rurales qui le composent est, depuis 1383, réunie en un bailliage de Tournai, Tournaisis, Mortagne et Saint-Amand qui constitue le cadre administratif intermédiaire et qui exerce la plupart des prérogatives régaliennes dans la province. Ce bailliage se superpose et concurrence d’anciennes cours féodale et allodiale du Tournaisis ; il est lui-même doublé par des États provinciaux développés au XVIe siècle pour répondre aux besoins de la fiscalité directe gouvernementale. Au niveau local, les pouvoirs sont extrêmement fragmentés en un panel diversifié de seigneuries. L’autorité seigneuriale repose sur des cours féodales et des échevinages à variantes multiples, qui encadrent des communautés villageoises relativement peu organisées.Durant ces deux siècles, l’évolution a sans doute davantage affecté les hommes œuvrant au sein des structures provinciales que les institutions elles-mêmes. Dans les villages, l’imbrication des cadres seigneuriaux, le poids politique et économique de Tournai et l’influence institutionnelle flamande participent à figer dans la diversité les équilibres existants. Si le développement et le perfectionnement administratif des monarchies française et habsbourgeoise sont incontestables, leurs effets au niveau intermédiaire sont inégaux, et modérés sur le plan local. L’État moderne laisse une très large place aux structures héritées de la féodalité ; en Tournaisis, le pouvoir est plus partagé que centralisé, la concurrence institutionnelle davantage horizontale que verticale. / Between the 14th and the 16th century, Tournaisis counted only for a grain of dust on the scale of the Kingdom of France and later, after 1521, of Charles the Fifth’s Low Countries. The roughly sixty rural parishes that it consisted of had been combined together since 1383 into one bailiwick of Tournai, Tournaisis, Mortagne and Saint-Amand, making up the intermediary administrative framework exercising the greatest part of the regalian prerogatives in the province. This bailiwick is superimposed on and rivals more ancient feudal and allodial courts of Tournaisis ; it is in turn overcapped by the Provincial States, evolved in the 16th century to meet the needs of direct government tax system. At local level, powers are extremely fragmented into a variety of seigneuries. Seigneurial authority rests on feudal courts and a multiplicity of échevinages, which enframe rather poorly organized village communities.Over these two centuries, the people at work within the province structures were probably more deeply affected by evolution than the very institutions themselves. In the villages, the interwoven seigneurial frameworks, Tournai's political and economic weight together with the influence of Flemish institutions all partook in the freezing of the diversity of existing power balances. Whereas the development and the administrative improvement of the French and Habsburg monarchies are indisputable, their effects at the intermediary level remain moderate and uneven at local level. The Modern State leaves wide space to structures inherited from the feudal system. In Tournaisis power is more shared than centralized and institutional competition develops more horizontally than vertically.

A construção do Estado brasileiro na primeira metade do século XIX foi um momento de debates políticos intensos em torno dos diversos projetos para a nação fundados no ideário liberal. A Igreja Católica, unida ao Estado sob o regime do Padroado Régio e ocupando uma posição central durante todo o período colonial, sofrerá forte ataque de parte dos membros do clero, entre os quais se destaca o padre Diogo Antônio Feijó, que defendia o regime regalista, desencadeando uma crise entre a Igreja brasileira e a Igreja de Roma. Estes conflitos perpassam a obra do viajante Daniel Parish Kidder que viveu no Brasil entre 1837 e 1840, a serviço da Sociedade Bíblica dos Estados Unidos, procurando difundir seus princípios religiosos de acordo com os padrões da modernidade. / The Brazilian States construction in the first half of 19th century was a moment of intense political debates around various projects for the nation based on liberal ideas. The Catholic Church united with the State under the Royal Patronage holding a central position during the entire Colonial Period would suffer a strong attack from some of the clergys members which stands out Father Diogo Antônio Feijó in defense of regalist regime triggering a crisis between Brazilian Church and Roman Church. These conflicts pervade the works of Daniel Kidder who lived in Brazil from 1837 to 1840, serving the American Bible Society in order to spread his religious principals according modernity standards.

A construção do Estado brasileiro na primeira metade do século XIX foi um momento de debates políticos intensos em torno dos diversos projetos para a nação fundados no ideário liberal. A Igreja Católica, unida ao Estado sob o regime do Padroado Régio e ocupando uma posição central durante todo o período colonial, sofrerá forte ataque de parte dos membros do clero, entre os quais se destaca o padre Diogo Antônio Feijó, que defendia o regime regalista, desencadeando uma crise entre a Igreja brasileira e a Igreja de Roma. Estes conflitos perpassam a obra do viajante Daniel Parish Kidder que viveu no Brasil entre 1837 e 1840, a serviço da Sociedade Bíblica dos Estados Unidos, procurando difundir seus princípios religiosos de acordo com os padrões da modernidade. / The Brazilian States construction in the first half of 19th century was a moment of intense political debates around various projects for the nation based on liberal ideas. The Catholic Church united with the State under the Royal Patronage holding a central position during the entire Colonial Period would suffer a strong attack from some of the clergys members which stands out Father Diogo Antônio Feijó in defense of regalist regime triggering a crisis between Brazilian Church and Roman Church. These conflicts pervade the works of Daniel Kidder who lived in Brazil from 1837 to 1840, serving the American Bible Society in order to spread his religious principals according modernity standards.

In this thesis two &ldquo / western modern state&rdquo / and three Ottoman &ldquo / state tradition&rdquo / scholars (Gianfranco Poggi, Christopher Pierson, Serif Mardin, Metin Heper and &Ccedil / aglar Keyder) are elaborated in the way how they write the the history for their theorization attempts. The specially emphasized processes in these histories are asserted to be reconstructed as the sources of an &ldquo / idealized&rdquo / -type that is assumed to be fulfilled by &ldquo / the West&rdquo / and should also be followed by &ldquo / the rest&rdquo / . The description of this form of a state entails a covert expectation on the requirement of an effective, limited but primarily strong state. Since the mainstream historical knowledge builds the foundations of both our academic studies and daily political arguments, it should be subjected to a critique. And state theory should be rethought with comparative and alternative perspectives. This work does not only trace the histories of political development constituted on &ldquo / modernization revisionist&rdquo / and &ldquo / state traditional&rdquo / theses, it also aims to cast new perspectives for the theorization of state-formation momentums and mechanisms by making a potpourri from some alternative readings of historical theses. As a result some central debates are brought into the picture on the historical transformation of state-society relationships. Along with the attempts for more comprehensive thinking exersizes on the states, theorization does not deal with two separate states or separate narratives of the the history but rather with the experiences thought together and watched through the different forms they takes in each particular historical momentums.

In this thesis two &ldquo / western modern state&rdquo / and three Ottoman &ldquo / state tradition&rdquo / scholars (Gianfranco Poggi, Christopher Pierson, Serif Mardin, Metin Heper and &Ccedil / aglar Keyder) are elaborated in the way how they write the the history for their theorization attempts. The specially emphasized processes in these histories are asserted to be reconstructed as the sources of an &ldquo / idealized&rdquo / -type that is assumed to be fulfilled by &ldquo / the West&rdquo / and should also be followed by &ldquo / the rest&rdquo / . The description of this form of a state entails a covert expectation on the requirement of an effective, limited but primarily strong state. Since the mainstream historical knowledge builds the foundations of both our academic studies and daily political arguments, it should be subjected to a critique. And state theory should be rethought with comparative and alternative perspectives. This work does not only trace the histories of political development constituted on &ldquo / modernization revisionist&rdquo / and &ldquo / state traditional&rdquo / theses, it also aims to cast new perspectives for the theorization of state-formation momentums and mechanisms by making a potpourri from some alternative readings of historical theses. As a result some central debates are brought into the picture on the historical transformation of state-society relationships. Along with the attempts for more comprehensive thinking exersizes on the states, theorization does not deal with two separate states or separate narratives of the the history but rather with the experiences thought together and watched through the different forms they takes in each particular historical momentums.

One early October morning in 1687, the ground under the large Spanish colonial city of Lima, Peru rumbled. If longstanding historiographical portraits of Spanish government as inefficient and weak were true, the earthquake that was about to shatter Lima should have devastated it beyond repair. The study of the aftermath of this natural disaster reveals that behind the landscape of destruction, the pillars of the colonial state in Lima not only held up but also permitted its rapid recovery after the event. As part of a more recent historiographical trend that reappraises the Spanish decline during the seventeenth century, my dissertation reevaluates the performance of colonial administration in Lima, the capital of the Viceroyalty of Peru. It focuses on deliberate changes carried out during the 1680s, when the metropolis implemented a series of fiscal and administrative reforms, whose effects were interrupted but not destroyed by the challenge posed by the earthquake of 1687. The use of extensive contemporary archival sources, both official and private, provides a multifaceted vista on the performance of royal agents and colonial subjects responding to the earthquake. A close reading of these sources unveils the rebuilding of the state in various facets: government attempts to impose authority and bring order to the chaos; the patrimonial logic of rules that colonial administrators faced when trying to implement rebuilding projects; colonial subjects’ expectations of royal agents and each other; negotiations among authorities and ordinary people over the terms of rebuilding the city; and the importance of inhabitants’ understandings of justice, founded in law and custom, to carrying out city reconstruction.

This thesis studies the negotiation of political power between the Danish absolutist state, the local government on Bornholm, and its subjects there during the winter of 1738–1739. The aim is to better understand how political power was negotiated in a peripheral region of an early modern state, but also to explore what caused this interaction to begin with and why its eventual outcome was a compromise by the state. The empirical evidence consists mostly of documents created and obtained by an investigative commission formed by the Danish king in 1738 in response to an anonymous letter that accused the local government on Bornholm of corruption and serious criminal offences. The local government had become complicit in peasants’ squatting on disputed land that technically belonged to the king. It will be argued that there existed a distinct political culture on Bornholm that shaped these negotiations and their outcome. Furthermore, the work of the commission and the eventual compromise made by the state demonstrates how this political culture collided with Copenhagen officials’ designs for the island at the time. The investigation into the behaviour of the governor of Bornholm and his eventual treatment sheds light on the role and boundaries of such early modern local officeholders, but also reveals how officials such as him were protected by nepotism and kinship within the Danish absolutist state. Finally, it will be argued that the anonymous letter that led to the establishment of the commission was the product of local conflicts that had escalated to a point of desperation. / <p></p><p></p>