The Nagorno-Karabakh conflict is a territorial and ethnic conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan over the disputed region of Nagorno-Karabakh that has led to war, displacement, trauma and continuing animosities. This thesis examines the differential long-term effects of the conflict in the lives of Internally Displaced Persons (IDP) and refugees from Armenia, Azerbaijan and Nagorno-Karabakh who have remained largely excluded from current peacebuilding initiatives. Ethnographic fieldwork and interviews were conducted with displaced and refugee women and with queers in Sumgayit and Baku in Azerbaijan and around Tbilisi in Georgia. The research uses an intersectional sensibility to explore the constitution and effects of economic hardship, ill-health and social exclusion as well the militarization in the life histories and everyday experiences of IDP and refugee women and queers. On this basis, it reflects what their participation, insights and concerns could contribute to the stalled peace processes and what cultural and societal changes will be required for peacebuilding and a more lasting resolution of this frozen conflict. Key words: Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, gender, ethnicity, intersectionality, peacebuilding, militarization, queer community, IDP and refugee women 1

The conflicts in Nagorno-Karabakh and eastern Ukraine have spurred a great deal of interest regarding the implications for modern warfare. Both schoolers and militaries alike have been trying  to decern what kind of implications these conflicts, complete with new weapons and capabilities have upon tomorrow’s battlefield. Theories that try to provide an explanatory outcome of conflicts has often been centered down to the age-old question whether it is the scientific material side or the artistic maneuver that takes the precedence for explaining victory on the battlefield. The purpose of this paper is to try and combine those views by using Randall Collins theory regarding the outcome of conflicts, to explain the battles of Ilovaisk 2014 and the Azerbaijani advance in Sothern Nagorno-Karabakh 2020. That way both sides are taken into account and help mitigate the debate. Furthermore, the making of a structural analytical framework tests the theory and is beneficial for further research. The framework developed from the theory, have two different main casual ways to explain victory on the battlefield. One stem from the material side called attrition and one from the artistic side called maneuverer. The framework was then applied upon a number of different reports, books, and other open sources from the conflicts. Conclusions from the results are that attritional warfare has been a viable way to achieve victory and that the long-range precision firepower that drone warfare offer has the advantage over the defensive counters.

Since 1988, the states of Armenia and Azerbaijan have been engaged in conflict over the enclave of Nagorno Karabakh. The conflict has developed into one of the most intractable and complicated disputes in the international arena, with the main parties being the two rivalling sovereign states plus the ¿unrecognised state¿ of Nagorno Karabakh. Despite the optimistic statements and claims by the OSCE and after many years of negotiations and talks, the peace process remains in stalemate. The research argues the virtues of Track Two diplomacy and highlights the successful instances where it has made important contributions to the ¿official¿ or Track One diplomatic process. It also explores the potential of a ¿no war no peace¿ situation by discerning the factors influencing the progress of the conflict. The research shows that a deeper understanding of the obstacles to peace is achieved by appreciating the significance of historical events as well as recognising the motives and interests of the different parties. The study reviews all major factors which have led to the failure of resolution efforts, particular the negative role played by Russia. It concludes that the scholars in the field of conflict resolution can bring about a lasting peace to this region, provided there is a fundamental change in the structure of the co-chairs of the OSCE.

This study has been conducted to investigate the current situation and the possible outcomes in the conflict between Azerbaijan and Armenia. The conflict predominantly concerns the status of the Karabakh region, a region legally belonging to Azerbaijan, but which up to recent events in 2023 has been under control of Armenian separatists. The study had the goal of explaining the conflict and its outcomes with the use of the theoretical perspective’s realism and liberal internationalism. The study was conducted using a grounded theory approach and found several key factors influencing the conflict and its future. The realist perspective has contributed to the analysis by suggesting the conquest of the Karabakh region can be seen as a compensation from the Armenia- Russian alliance to deter further conflict. Using the liberal internationalist perspective to evaluate the situation has led to the conclusions that international institutions did not achieve a successful hold in the region in the post-soviet space as there was an existing conflict with already dominating powers percent. However, with the Russian withdrawal, the European Union has increased its role as a negotiator. This, combined with the Azerbaijanian control of the Karabakh region, the role of oil trade, and the Armenian state promoting diplomacy and institutions, may increase the likelihood of peace.

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The purpose of this thesis is to discuss the role of women as intermediaries, mediators and arbitrators in conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan over the de facto region of Nagorno-Karabakh. It is highly relevant to comdev due to several reasons. First, it is an active issue. The number of deaths from border clashes has increased in 2014-2016 despite a ceasefire signed in 1994. Second, women and civil society groups are oppressed. This thesis explores the question of women’s contribution in solving conflicts considering masculinity, gender complex and war. Are women better at solving conflicts? Third, new media has become an important tool for cross border communication. Focus is given to use of social media by women in an attempt to facilitate change of discourses. Critical discourse analysis, hermeneutics and social constructivism are considered as methodologies to evaluate this. However, there is a number limitations here including use of English language, limited participant numbers and response bias.Background information on conflict is presented and includes analyzing the role of national and international organizations such as parliaments, the Minsk Group (OSCE) European Commission (EPNK) and the UN (1325). A brief literature review is then conducted focusing on conflict area, historical discourses and peace building narratives. This is followed by an examination of post-soviet literature on masculinity, nation-building, feminism and changing role of active women, centering on Caucasus and Nagorno-Karabakh. Topics explored are women’s rights, political involvement, language, religion and cultural turn. Next stage is a summary of research questions for qualitative interviews with five women participants who are or work with active women in Transcaucasia. From available data, main premise becomes new role of active women as peace builders in conflict acting individually, in NGO’s and in government and attempting to facilitate discussion with lawmakers and negotiators in conflict.After research, primary and secondary data is analyzed. Responses are evaluated over the methods mentioned and main contributions are considered to be on grassroots activism funded by international NGO’s. It is not clear whether women would be better at resolving complex but their contribution to nation building has been proven. New media becomes a tool for activist communication and propaganda. Women find themselves dealing with nationalism, marginalization and breakdown of democratic institutions. They turn to international NGO’s but this often backfires as Armenian and Azerbaijani society and government sees this as Western intrusion. Progress is slow and daily lives are ruled by uncertainty, discrimination and faint hope of resolve.

Wars are moments of significant rupture for states, societies, and economies. Wars where one state suffers significant territorial losses can be particularly challenging for states, their power structures, and the prevailing visions and identities in their geopolitical cultures. How states react to territorial losses is a compelling area for research. The recent experiences of the Republic of Armenia present a rich case study in how states adjust to territorial change. The collapse of the Soviet Union and the establishment of an independent Armenian state was accompanied by war over a disputed territory with neighbouring Azerbaijan. By the time of the cease-fire of the First Karabakh War in 1994, Armenia held its own territory and strongly supported the Armenian-populated unrecognised Nagorno-Karabakh Republic. "Karabakh is ours", which served as a long-standing slogan of the geopolitical culture of Armenia, was shattered as a result of the Second Karabakh War of 2020, during which Azerbaijani forces gained control over considerable territory. The status quo after the war had notable impact on the province of Siunik in southern Armenia as well. This dissertation is a study in the aftermath of territorial shock, looking to the framework of geopolitical culture and the category of the geo-body to account for the developments in Armenia generally and in Siunik in particular since 2020. Drawing on the literature of critical geopolitics as well as fieldwork conducted in Armenia, the dissertation argues that the shock and trauma of the war has caused deep disruption and fragmentation in the geopolitical culture of Armenia, which remains in crisis. There are disputed and competing territorial visions of the country, some of which are manifested as centre-periphery distinctions between the capital Yerevan and the province of Siunik. The strong local identity of the province serves as a basis to look to ideological tropes of nationalist imaginations as a coping mechanism while facing precarious circumstances. Material geographical realities and discursive or ideological imaginations continue to be in tension in Armenia, especially in Siunik. / Doctor of Philosophy / Wars are moments of significant disruption for states and societies. Wars in which a state suffers significant territorial losses can be particularly challenging for governments and the people, and how they think of themselves. How states react to territorial losses is a compelling area for research. The recent experiences of the Republic of Armenia present a rich case study in how states adjust to territorial change. The collapse of the Soviet Union and the establishment of an independent Armenian state was accompanied by war over a disputed territory with neighbouring Azerbaijan. At the time of the cease-fire of 1994, the Armenian side emerged with consolidated territorial gains. Following years of peace negotiations and some escalations, Azerbaijani forces launched a large-scale offensive in 2020, as a result of which much territory changed hands. The status quo after the war had notable impact on the province of Siunik in southern Armenia as well. This dissertation is a study in the aftermath of territorial changes. It looks to how states and societies think about themselves and their territories. To say that a territory is disputed between two or more parties is a straightforward observation. But it is worth asking more nuanced questions: how is territory framed, how does that framing inform disputes, and how might a better understanding of those framings help resolve them? In the case of Armenia, this dissertation argues that the government and people remain in a state of shock and trauma two years after the end of the war. There is a disconnect between framings, future visions, and prospects as expressed by the central government of Armenia and the experiences and expectations of people on the ground in Siunik. Many studies of conflicts focus on politics, diplomacy, and international affairs. They may bring to the surface humanitarian issues, questions of public international law, art, justice, or history. This dissertation invites the reader to think more about the geography of conflicts, both as a material reality and as an ideological value.

This thesis analyses the impact of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict on the foreign policy of Armenia. It could be claimed that Armenia&rsquo / s relations with the other countries have been shaped by the Nagorno-Karabakh problem. The thesis demonstrates that because of this conflict, Armenian foreign policy has become more dependent on Russia and the Armenian diaspora in Russia, France and the United States despite its desire to be an independent state. Although Levon Ter-Petrossian and Robert Kocharian have advocated different foreign policies, their actions have been similar due to the impact of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict. The thesis has six main chapters. The first chapter is the introduction. The second chapter explores history of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict. In the third chapter the Armenian foreign policy under Levon Ter-Petrossian is examined. The fourth chapter discusses the foreign policy of Robert Kocharian. In the fifth chapter the foreign policies of the Ter-Petrossian and Kocharian are compared. The sixth chapter is the conclusion.

This study aims to examine the foreign policy of Azerbaijan toward Turkey in a historical perspective on the one hand and to analyze foreign policy formations during the Abulfaz Elchibey, Heydar Aliyev and Ilham Aliyev periods on the other. The thesis argues that One nation, two states principle does not have a validity in dictating the bilateral relations, instead a realist engagement is being favored by Azerbaijan with an emphasis on national interest. As a result, it is asserted that Azerbaijan&rsquo / s foreign policy remains in a cautious and consistent manner toward Turkey.

This thesis analyzes Russian foreign policy towards Azerbaijan in the post-Soviet era. The dissolution of the Soviet Union paved the way for the independence of Azerbaijan. This development necessitated the redefinition of the relationship between Russia and Azerbaijan. However, post-Soviet Russia was reluctant to treat Azerbaijan as a fully independent state that could develop its relations other states freely. In this way, Moscow sought to keep Azerbaijan under its own sphere of influence. To this purpose, Russia used its influence in the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict and the development of the Caspian Sea energy resources as its two main policy instruments for controlling Azerbaijan. When Vladimir Putin was elected as the President of Russia in 2000, it was not clear whether the previous Russian foreign policy towards Azerbaijan would continue as in the past or change. The developments between 2000 and 2005 show that Vladimir Putin changed the previous Russian stance on the Caspian Sea energy resources and took more collaborative posture towards Azerbaijan. However, Putin continued the earlier Russian position on the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict. This study argues that there has been both change and continuity in Russian foreign policy towards Azerbaijan since Vladimir Putin&rsquo / s rise to Russia&rsquo / s presidency in 2000. In this sense, Russian foreign policy under Putin could be conceptualized mainly as a pragmatic foreign policy. This conceptualization makes it possible to identify both change and continuity in Russian foreign policy towards Azerbaijan.