Under kriget i Nagorno-Karabach år 2020 nyttjades drönare på ett för omvärldenuppseendeväckande sätt. Drönare uppfattas ha spelat en stor roll när Azerbajdzjan besegradeArmenien i kriget vilket får drönare att framstå som ett lättillgängligt och billigt alternativ till dedyra och komplicerade bemannade stridsflygplanen.Denna fallstudie nyttjar Douhets och Papes luftmaktsteorier för att skapa vetenskapligt grundadkunskap om nyttjandet av drönare i kriget i Nagorno-Karabach 2020. Genom att betrakta kriget urdessa två teoretikers perspektiv utreds hur drönare användes och på vilket sätt de bidrog med militärnytta. Syftet är att bidra till en mer välinformerad debatt om drönares plats i modern krigföring. Genom analys ur Douhets perspektiv framkommer att drönares fria rörlighet i tre dimensioner har varit till stor fördel för dess brukare. Genom att nyttja denna egenskap lyckades Azerbajdzjan inledningsvis skapa luftöverlägsenhet över krigsområdet och sedan bekämpa armeniska mål både ianslutning till fronten och bakom densamma på ett till synes avgörande sätt. Dock framkommer att kriget avgjordes av flera vapenslag i samverkan, inte enskilt av drönare. Genom analys ur Papes perspektiv framkommer att de azerbajdzjanska drönarna har nått stor effektnär de nyttjats som direkt understöd till marktrupper genom dess effektiva anfall mot försvararensförband och dess nära bakomvarande stödfunktioner. Genom att på detta sätt förneka Armenien möjligheten att effektivt försvara sig användes de azerbajdzjanska drönarna enligt Papes nekandestrategi. I analysen framkommer ett flertal faktorer som är specifika för kriget i Nagorno-Karabach 2020 somverkat till drönarnas fördel. Om dessa faktorer varit annorlunda hade drönarnas effektivitet troligen minskat.

This study examines the correlation between tactics and technology in the case of the war overNagorno-Karabakh 2020, between Azerbaijan and Armenia. There is a debate going on aboutwhether the high-tech drones from Turkey and Israel were the decisive factors in the war, or if thetactical aspects and preparations is what gave the main success of the war.This will be tested against parts of Geoffrey Till ́s theory “Understanding victory” through a theoryconsuming case study using some of his perspectives, with qualitative text analysis of the empiricaldata consisting of think tanks, news articles, government documents and analysts ́ statements. Theresult of the study indicates that none of the perspectives could carry the war itself, but tactics werea slightly bigger factor for success.

Approximately 250 nursery schools and 600 schools were destroyed during the First Karabakh War in Azerbaijan in 1988–94, interrupting the education of over 210,000 school-aged children. Of the 111,043 children until age 5, only 8,300 (7.5%) were registered in preschool, with around 90,000 children out of school and never enrolled. The purpose of this qualitative narrative research study was to explore how the protracted 30-year occupation of around 20% of Azerbaijani lands by Armenian armed forces impacted the educational journey of displaced Azerbaijani school-aged children, who are now adults, during and after the First Karabakh War in 1988-94. It also examined the extent it has affected their full economic integration into society today. Three participants took part in this study. Data collection included one semi-structured interview, a questionnaire, and a follow-up interview. All participants received interview questions prior to their main interview to facilitate reflection of lived experiences. The results indicated that despite years of displacement, hardship, and trauma, the children (now adults) were able to achieve economic prosperity with resilience and high family expectations. This finding suggests that despite experiencing hardship during war, children may be able to achieve economic prosperity if they acquire critical skills to succeed in the labor market with active family involvement, becoming contributing members of society and enjoying financial stability as adults.

Abstract – From de facto to de jure: A comparative study between three post-Soviet territories path towards diplomatic recognition The purpose of this essay has been to study how well three post-Soviet de facto states live up to the definition of the concepts of state and sovereignty. Basically, the focus has been to, with the help of an analysis scheme constructed specifically for this study, analyse the situation the three de facto states are currently in and then compare their situations to one another. With the study I want to show that the history of the de facto states, as well as their current legal status, carry with them differences and similarities that play a major role in their future. By analysing a number of scientific articles and other research material within the social science sphere, I have been able to compile a table that shows how well the case studies live up to the seven criteria of the state outlined by Martin Glassner in Political Geography (2004). The main result of the study has been that various historical and demographic circumstances in the three de facto states have distinguished them from one another during the more than three decades that have passed since the fall of the Soviet Union. However, this is in stark contrast to the strong ties they all have to a patron state, which in all cases is crucial to the legal state of limbo they are all currently residing in.

Since 1988, the states of Armenia and Azerbaijan have been engaged in conflict over the enclave of Nagorno Karabakh. The conflict has developed into one of the most intractable and complicated disputes in the international arena, with the main parties being the two rivalling sovereign states plus the 'unrecognised state' of Nagorno Karabakh. Despite the optimistic statements and claims by the OSCE and after many years of negotiations and talks, the peace process remains in stalemate. The research argues the virtues of Track Two diplomacy and highlights the successful instances where it has made important contributions to the 'official' or Track One diplomatic process. It also explores the potential of a 'no war no peace' situation by discerning the factors influencing the progress of the conflict. The research shows that a deeper understanding of the obstacles to peace is achieved by appreciating the significance of historical events as well as recognising the motives and interests of the different parties. The study reviews all major factors which have led to the failure of resolution efforts, particular the negative role played by Russia. It concludes that the scholars in the field of conflict resolution can bring about a lasting peace to this region, provided there is a fundamental change in the structure of the co-chairs of the OSCE.

In a world where nationalist movements are on the rise with the potential to contest state legitimacy, the study of nationalism both as a political phenomenon and as an academic topic becomes more salient. / This study attempts to explain the causes of nationalism, as well as the conditions that contribute to its militarization. It advances working definitions of the concepts of ethnic groups, nations and nationalism, and identifies the differences between ethnic and national politics. The emergence of nationalism is analyzed through a model. which aims to present a causal relationship between nation, nationalism and militarized crisis. The derived propositions and hypotheses are tested on the Nagorno-Karabagh case, an irredentist conflict in Transcaucasia that has developed into a militarized crisis and has escalated to war.

After the Soviet dissolution, the newly independent post-Soviet state of Azerbaijan intensified its efforts at developing its relations with the United States. Based on the analysis of the Azerbaijan&ndash / U.S. relations between1991-2006, the thesis tries to answer which factors could account for the existing political problems between these countries, given that both countries have a common interest in deepening their cooperation concerning the Caspian energy resources as well as the fight against international terrorism. This thesis argues that although both countries have many interests in common, they are unable to deepen their level of cooperation because of the Nagorno-Karabakh problem which, since it breaches the territorial integrity of Azerbaijan, is that state&rsquo / s main priority. The thesis has four main chapters: after a general overview of the evolution of Azerbaijan&rsquo / s foreign policy in the post-Soviet era and the U.S. policies towards the Caucasus, I examine Azerbaijan&rsquo / s cooperation with the U.S. in the field of energy, the Nagorno-Karabakh problem in Azerbaijan&rsquo / s relations with the U.S., and Azerbaijan&rsquo / s cooperation with the U.S. in the fight against international terrorism. In this thesis I focus on these three interests of Azerbaijan in its relations with the U.S. because in analyzing this country&rsquo / s foreign policy these are vital issues that include economic development, territorial integrity and its global political role concerning security.

Thesis (M.A.)--Villanova University, 2006. / Political Science Dept. Includes bibliographical references.

This diploma thesis deals with issues of statehood. In this study, we examined the de facto states, i.e. countries that are not internationally recognized. First described the characteristics of the state. Subsequently, we examined the international recognition of the state. It will also define the term de facto work is divided into four main chapters. On the basis of the criteria laid down Montevideo Convention of 1933 will be discussed features of statehood. Described is also the state sovereignty and the principles of international recognition by members of the international community. In the second chapter will be presented in greater detail the general features of de facto states. Attention will be paid to formation of de facto states including a detailed explanation of the issue of the right to self-determination and secession. In the third and fourth chapters, attention will be given to the two de facto states, Turkish Republic of Northern and Nagorno-Karabakh Republic. In these chapters, the emphasis is also on the historical aspects, the political situation inside these entities, as well as in the whole region. Another goal of these chapters is also to analyse the case law of the European Court of Human Rights. In the case of Northern Cyprus will be analysed in particular the judgments of...

This study examines the media coverage of the humanitarian situation in Nagorno-Karabakh during a war in the region in 2020. Drawing on the theoretical framework of humanitarian journalism, it first looks at the attention given to the issue within the daily coverage of the war, then turns to explore patterns in the narration of the past events and present situation in feature stories. Two transnational and two regional news outlets are analysed (The Guardian and Al Jazeera, Sputnik and Hürriyet), which all address a global audience through English, but represent different journalistic traditions, are based in countries with diverse involvement in the conflict and proximity to its parties, and have received different amount of attention in the research of humanitarian journalism. The results suggest that the humanitarian crisis in the region received little attention in general within the daily coverage of the war. People of the region were cited rarely in the reports on their condition and were largely absent from the news photographs too. They were depicted in feature articles mostly through their experience of fighting, limiting the diverse contexts of their lives. Although geographical, political and cultural proximity is argued to have affected the reporting by regional outlets, similarities and differences across the two groups were observed too.