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The purpose of this thesis is to discuss the role of women as intermediaries, mediators and arbitrators in conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan over the de facto region of Nagorno-Karabakh. It is highly relevant to comdev due to several reasons. First, it is an active issue. The number of deaths from border clashes has increased in 2014-2016 despite a ceasefire signed in 1994. Second, women and civil society groups are oppressed. This thesis explores the question of women’s contribution in solving conflicts considering masculinity, gender complex and war. Are women better at solving conflicts? Third, new media has become an important tool for cross border communication. Focus is given to use of social media by women in an attempt to facilitate change of discourses. Critical discourse analysis, hermeneutics and social constructivism are considered as methodologies to evaluate this. However, there is a number limitations here including use of English language, limited participant numbers and response bias.Background information on conflict is presented and includes analyzing the role of national and international organizations such as parliaments, the Minsk Group (OSCE) European Commission (EPNK) and the UN (1325). A brief literature review is then conducted focusing on conflict area, historical discourses and peace building narratives. This is followed by an examination of post-soviet literature on masculinity, nation-building, feminism and changing role of active women, centering on Caucasus and Nagorno-Karabakh. Topics explored are women’s rights, political involvement, language, religion and cultural turn. Next stage is a summary of research questions for qualitative interviews with five women participants who are or work with active women in Transcaucasia. From available data, main premise becomes new role of active women as peace builders in conflict acting individually, in NGO’s and in government and attempting to facilitate discussion with lawmakers and negotiators in conflict.After research, primary and secondary data is analyzed. Responses are evaluated over the methods mentioned and main contributions are considered to be on grassroots activism funded by international NGO’s. It is not clear whether women would be better at resolving complex but their contribution to nation building has been proven. New media becomes a tool for activist communication and propaganda. Women find themselves dealing with nationalism, marginalization and breakdown of democratic institutions. They turn to international NGO’s but this often backfires as Armenian and Azerbaijani society and government sees this as Western intrusion. Progress is slow and daily lives are ruled by uncertainty, discrimination and faint hope of resolve.

Wars are moments of significant rupture for states, societies, and economies. Wars where one state suffers significant territorial losses can be particularly challenging for states, their power structures, and the prevailing visions and identities in their geopolitical cultures. How states react to territorial losses is a compelling area for research. The recent experiences of the Republic of Armenia present a rich case study in how states adjust to territorial change. The collapse of the Soviet Union and the establishment of an independent Armenian state was accompanied by war over a disputed territory with neighbouring Azerbaijan. By the time of the cease-fire of the First Karabakh War in 1994, Armenia held its own territory and strongly supported the Armenian-populated unrecognised Nagorno-Karabakh Republic. "Karabakh is ours", which served as a long-standing slogan of the geopolitical culture of Armenia, was shattered as a result of the Second Karabakh War of 2020, during which Azerbaijani forces gained control over considerable territory. The status quo after the war had notable impact on the province of Siunik in southern Armenia as well. This dissertation is a study in the aftermath of territorial shock, looking to the framework of geopolitical culture and the category of the geo-body to account for the developments in Armenia generally and in Siunik in particular since 2020. Drawing on the literature of critical geopolitics as well as fieldwork conducted in Armenia, the dissertation argues that the shock and trauma of the war has caused deep disruption and fragmentation in the geopolitical culture of Armenia, which remains in crisis. There are disputed and competing territorial visions of the country, some of which are manifested as centre-periphery distinctions between the capital Yerevan and the province of Siunik. The strong local identity of the province serves as a basis to look to ideological tropes of nationalist imaginations as a coping mechanism while facing precarious circumstances. Material geographical realities and discursive or ideological imaginations continue to be in tension in Armenia, especially in Siunik. / Doctor of Philosophy / Wars are moments of significant disruption for states and societies. Wars in which a state suffers significant territorial losses can be particularly challenging for governments and the people, and how they think of themselves. How states react to territorial losses is a compelling area for research. The recent experiences of the Republic of Armenia present a rich case study in how states adjust to territorial change. The collapse of the Soviet Union and the establishment of an independent Armenian state was accompanied by war over a disputed territory with neighbouring Azerbaijan. At the time of the cease-fire of 1994, the Armenian side emerged with consolidated territorial gains. Following years of peace negotiations and some escalations, Azerbaijani forces launched a large-scale offensive in 2020, as a result of which much territory changed hands. The status quo after the war had notable impact on the province of Siunik in southern Armenia as well. This dissertation is a study in the aftermath of territorial changes. It looks to how states and societies think about themselves and their territories. To say that a territory is disputed between two or more parties is a straightforward observation. But it is worth asking more nuanced questions: how is territory framed, how does that framing inform disputes, and how might a better understanding of those framings help resolve them? In the case of Armenia, this dissertation argues that the government and people remain in a state of shock and trauma two years after the end of the war. There is a disconnect between framings, future visions, and prospects as expressed by the central government of Armenia and the experiences and expectations of people on the ground in Siunik. Many studies of conflicts focus on politics, diplomacy, and international affairs. They may bring to the surface humanitarian issues, questions of public international law, art, justice, or history. This dissertation invites the reader to think more about the geography of conflicts, both as a material reality and as an ideological value.

This thesis analyses the impact of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict on the foreign policy of Armenia. It could be claimed that Armenia&rsquo / s relations with the other countries have been shaped by the Nagorno-Karabakh problem. The thesis demonstrates that because of this conflict, Armenian foreign policy has become more dependent on Russia and the Armenian diaspora in Russia, France and the United States despite its desire to be an independent state. Although Levon Ter-Petrossian and Robert Kocharian have advocated different foreign policies, their actions have been similar due to the impact of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict. The thesis has six main chapters. The first chapter is the introduction. The second chapter explores history of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict. In the third chapter the Armenian foreign policy under Levon Ter-Petrossian is examined. The fourth chapter discusses the foreign policy of Robert Kocharian. In the fifth chapter the foreign policies of the Ter-Petrossian and Kocharian are compared. The sixth chapter is the conclusion.

This study aims to examine the foreign policy of Azerbaijan toward Turkey in a historical perspective on the one hand and to analyze foreign policy formations during the Abulfaz Elchibey, Heydar Aliyev and Ilham Aliyev periods on the other. The thesis argues that One nation, two states principle does not have a validity in dictating the bilateral relations, instead a realist engagement is being favored by Azerbaijan with an emphasis on national interest. As a result, it is asserted that Azerbaijan&rsquo / s foreign policy remains in a cautious and consistent manner toward Turkey.

This thesis analyzes Russian foreign policy towards Azerbaijan in the post-Soviet era. The dissolution of the Soviet Union paved the way for the independence of Azerbaijan. This development necessitated the redefinition of the relationship between Russia and Azerbaijan. However, post-Soviet Russia was reluctant to treat Azerbaijan as a fully independent state that could develop its relations other states freely. In this way, Moscow sought to keep Azerbaijan under its own sphere of influence. To this purpose, Russia used its influence in the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict and the development of the Caspian Sea energy resources as its two main policy instruments for controlling Azerbaijan. When Vladimir Putin was elected as the President of Russia in 2000, it was not clear whether the previous Russian foreign policy towards Azerbaijan would continue as in the past or change. The developments between 2000 and 2005 show that Vladimir Putin changed the previous Russian stance on the Caspian Sea energy resources and took more collaborative posture towards Azerbaijan. However, Putin continued the earlier Russian position on the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict. This study argues that there has been both change and continuity in Russian foreign policy towards Azerbaijan since Vladimir Putin&rsquo / s rise to Russia&rsquo / s presidency in 2000. In this sense, Russian foreign policy under Putin could be conceptualized mainly as a pragmatic foreign policy. This conceptualization makes it possible to identify both change and continuity in Russian foreign policy towards Azerbaijan.

Tatev Derzyan (41794665) The Effectiveness of Erasmus+ and UGRAD Soft Power on Armenia during Hard Times (Nagorno-Karabakh War 2020) Abstract The thesis focuses on soft power and public diplomacy through exchange study programs of the European Union and the United States. Precisely, the thesis studies the influence of the educational exchange programs (Erasmus+ and UGRAD) on the Armenian exchange students in the scope of soft power. After establishing the influence of the exchange programs on the formation of the perceptions about the host countries, the thesis further focuses on the sustainability of the perception taking into consideration the Nagorno-Karabakh Second war which is a 'critical juncture' as it was a dramatic event in the life of the Armenian youth and could have influenced their views of the EU and the US. It is important to note that the academic literature on the exchange students' perceptions does not provide any studies through the lenses of the political events in the participants' home country. Thirty-nine semi-structured interviews have been conducted among the Erasmus+ and UGRAD participants from Armenia alongside the content analysis of the documents that the EU and the US released during the Nagorno-Karabakh Second war in order to understand what was the politics of the host...

In over 20 years of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, there has been no significant progress towards a peaceful agreement. It has been argued that there is not enough incentive for leaders to agree to a compromise and that the citizens are not ready to accept one. In this context, the way the conflict and the enemy are described in public discourse is important not only because it represents the viewpoints of those producing the discourse but because it can have a real effect on public opinion. This paper examines discourse on Azerbaijan and the future of Nagorno-Karabakh in an official newspaper, showing that distrust of Azerbaijan and rigid expectations about the future of Nagorno-Karabakh are dominant.

After the fall of the Soviet Union a number of violent ethnic disputes were concluded through the establishment of ceasefires but have yet to be finalized through peace accords. This development resulted in the creation of de facto states in a setting known as ‘frozen conflicts’. These de facto states have managed to endure decades of unrecognition, stuck in a situation of “no war, no peace” and constitutes today “effective” political entities. The post-war development in these frozen conflicts has continuously surprised academia, defying pessimistic prediction of their sustainability. Following the positive, hybridized peace etymology laid out by Oliver Richmond, this thesis aims at exploring the peace- and state processes that has occurred during the Nagorno Karabakh peace process in order to explain the ambiguous developments that have been going on despite the limbo-like state of unrecognition. The relation between external and internal processes is interrogated through a periodization of key events, and thereafter a comprehensive analysis of how the processes relate to each other over time. The thesis concludes that the strong presence of identity politics regarding the historical Nagorno Karabakh favors the often violent and protective state formation process but is at least partially controlled by the international attempts at peace building. Local formations of peace do not allow for a reintegration of Nagorno Karabakh into Azerbaijan, at least not without explicit and extensive security and autonomy guarantees. Likewise, the external processes of peace and state building does not allow for local agency from Nagorno Karabakh, as it is viewed through a negative ontology of peace. The processes does provide some rather successful developments, as the almost finalized Land swap deal and the Madrid principles, but lacks the momentum of conquering the dominance of perceived or actualized violent state formation processes.

This thesis analyses speeches and interviews given by Nikol Pashinyan and Ilham Aliyev in 2018–23 to understand how victimhood narratives based in genocide memory are utilised before and during violent conflicts. Using critical narrative analysis and an overall inductive approach, the themes, and myths present in narratives, and role of genocide memory have been found to follow the theoretical framework of collective memory, social identity theory, framing theory, and strategic narratives. The results provide context into the move away from historic ‘chosen traumas’ to recent ‘hot traumas’ to gain sympathy and validation for the securitisation of a nation. This being in addition to a strategic use of competitive victimhood that clearly follows the political elites’ stances of what constitutes morality, group identity, and accepted historical narratives. Overall, it is possible to sum up this thesis as the securitisation of genocide memory.