in English The object of this diploma thesis is to answer the question, how can international organizations (UN, Council of Europe and OSCE) effectively regulate conflicts among their member states, or which instruments are they for this purpose equipped with. The thesis is divided into three main parts - theoretical study, part dedicated to the individual international organizations and the case study. The first part offers a definition of basic legal concepts, as they will be used in the following parts of the study with an emphasis on the definition of the concept "coercion". The following part deals with the instruments of coercion the international organizations are equipped with. In the third part are the findings from the previous parts confronted with a real case of the effort to regulate the conflict between Azerbaijan and Armenia in Nagorno Karabakh. This structure of the thesis can be also described as a progress from a theoretic basis, through an applied theory contained in particular agreements, to their practical realization in the concrete case. Based on the completed study the author concludes that unilateral instruments of coercion, that the particular organizations have at their disposal, are often not appropriate (exclusion from organization), ineffective (political declaration)...

No description available.

The thesis concerns with communication of Armenian and Azerbaijani Ministries of Foreign Affairs and Ministries of Defence on Facebook in relation to 2020 Nagorno Karabakh conflict. The official institutional accounts were used to bolster one sided narratives of the conflict, often by emotional appeals and misinformation targeting international and domestic audence. By analyzing FB communication of the named institutions, it aims to identify the key narrative-building tools utilized by state institutions in communication practice and how these tools are used prior to and during wartime. It also aims at comparing the communication practice across the institutions and in between the countries by analyzing Facebook posts of named ministries over period of 100 days using a dataset generated via Crowdtangle.

The aim of this thesis is to contribute to theoretically sound concept of Peace Journalism, which combines theoretical foundations from two spheres: conflict and peace studies and media studies. Influence of journalists as intervening force and explaining factor with regard to (violent) conflict is neglected. However, Peace Journalism is not theoretically strong and builds upon dualistic definition vis-á-vis so-called War Journalism. The concept of Peace Journalism has to overcome this delamination in order to reflect theoretical underpinnings of conflict transformation theory and conflict analysis. Moreover, Peace Journalism has to differentiate media according to an involvement of given societies in a conflict. This offers an opportunity to specifically and accurately analyse news coverage of conflicts. Case studies analysing Czech coverage of Cyprus and Nagorno-Karabakh conflicts illustrates this approach. The coverage is essentially flat, distorts a reality of the conflict, pays attention to visual and physical aspects of the conflict and closes the conflicts in arbitrary time boundaries.

The thesis analyses two modern surprise attacks - the 1982 Falklands War between Argentina and Great Britain; and the 2016 April War (also known as the Four Days War) among Azerbaijan, Armenia, and de facto Republic of Nagorno Karabakh. Using literature of the Theory of Surprise, the study tries to determine the reasons why states chose the strategy of surprise, and how did they decide on the timing of the wars. It also displays the shortcomings inherent in the strategy of surprise, and points out where the mistakes, false assumptions of the belligerents in these two cases studies lay. Finally, a comparative study of the cases highlights the ideas that can improve a state's preparedness and hopefully avoid surprise attacks in the future. Thesis title: The Element of Surprise: A Study of Two Modern Surprise Attacks Author: Tatevik Tadevosyan Study programme: Security Studies Supervisor: Dr Jan Ludvík, PhD Year of the defence: 2020

Abstract – From de facto to de jure: A comparative study between three post-Soviet territories path towards diplomatic recognition The purpose of this essay has been to study how well three post-Soviet de facto states live up to the definition of the concepts of state and sovereignty. Basically, the focus has been to, with the help of an analysis scheme constructed specifically for this study, analyse the situation the three de facto states are currently in and then compare their situations to one another. With the study I want to show that the history of the de facto states, as well as their current legal status, carry with them differences and similarities that play a major role in their future. By analysing a number of scientific articles and other research material within the social science sphere, I have been able to compile a table that shows how well the case studies live up to the seven criteria of the state outlined by Martin Glassner in Political Geography (2004). The main result of the study has been that various historical and demographic circumstances in the three de facto states have distinguished them from one another during the more than three decades that have passed since the fall of the Soviet Union. However, this is in stark contrast to the strong ties they all have to a patron state, which in all cases is crucial to the legal state of limbo they are all currently residing in.

Author Samuel Lavoie Thesis Diplomacy and Diplomatic Institutions of Unrecognized De Facto States Somaliland, Transnistria and Artsakh (2020) Abstract As a topic, international recognition has been increasingly studied over the past twenty years, particularly since Kosovo's unilateral declaration of independence from Serbia in 2008. This thesis attempts to advance our understanding of the underlying causes of the inability to gain political recognition by examining several factors that have been omitted from the academic literature. Specifically, it examines several key aspects of the diplomatic institutions, personnel, and approaches of three unrecognized de facto states that meet most of the criteria for statehood under international law, but have so far received no recognition recognized states. These entities are Somaliland, Transnistria, and Artsakh. This paper also draws on partially recognized states and finds that geopolitical and ideological factors generally prevail over diplomatic ones as the main drivers of political recognition. This is especially true when an entity is located in an area of fierce rivalry for influence, such as the PMR and the Republic of Artsakh. However, while remaining a secondary factor, diplomacy becomes more important for international recognition when the interests of...

Master thesis "Strategy of Armenia-Azerbaijan conflict resolution by participating states and key external actors"deals with the conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan, in the center of which lies the dispute about the Nagorno Karabakh. Using qualitative analysis of grand strategy of Armenia and Azerbaijan and grand strategies of key regional and external stakeholders it uncovers interests, objectives and postures of the players in their strategic environment. On the basis of comprehensive analysis of the grand strategies I assess their effectiveness in relation to fulfillment of the state's goals and also the role, which conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan plays in their strategy. In theoretical part I present short overview of the evolution of the concept of grand strategy and also operationalization of assessment of the strategies. In the second chapter I describe the historical background of south Caucasus, which is crucial for understanding of the conflictive nature of some interstate states in the region. In the third chapter I analyze grand strategies of Armenia, Azerbaijan, Iran, Turkey, Russia, USA and EU. In the last chapter I summarize the effectiveness and relevance of chosen strategies.

Despite extensive research into the effects of framing in media, much less is still known about how and why these frames constructed. The field of media framing has also neglected reporting on violent conflict, instead focusing on different types of non-violent conflict, especially in terms of frame analysis. This study aims to expand on framing theory by studying the framing of diaspora-specific media in reporting on violent homeland conflict, in comparison with general media in the diaspora’s country of residence. Despite arguments that diasporic media negatively impact integration, further polarisation or contribute to conflict recreation in the country of residence, there has been little research into the reporting by diasporic media. In this thesis, I argue that diasporic and general media will differ in their framing of violent conflict in the diaspora’s homeland because of two factors: (1) the expected levels of interest and knowledge among the medium’s target audience and (2) the knowledge and objectives of the journalists producing the reporting. Through in-depth analysis of a collection of articles of the New York Times and the Armenian Mirror-Spectator on the 2020 Nagorno-Karabakh War, I find that there are indeed considerable differences between the framing of the two news media. Diasporic media use more thematic framing in their reporting, whereas general media use more episodic framing in their reporting on the conflict. Furthermore, the framing by diasporic media aligns with central (conflict) narratives of the diaspora’s collective memory, whereas general media present a mix of different conflict perspectives. Finally, this analysis showcases some of the issues of applying concepts derived from the framing of non-violent contexts to violent conflict settings. These findings further the understanding of both the reporting of diasporic media, relative to the reporting by general media, and the knowledge on the types of framing used in reporting on violent conflict, and what drives the construction of such frames. This study also highlights the importance of the consideration of violent conflict in the study of framing, and the need for further research into framing of violent conflict.

La dimension internationale des conflits ethniques a acquIs récemment une place importante dans la littérature traitant des causes et de l'évolution de ce type de différends. Si, toutefois, l'accent est mis sur l'intensification du conflit, sur sa radicalisation et sur son escalade, aucune théorie ne fournit un cadre théorique exhaustif des processus de diffusion des conflits ethniques. L'objectif de notre recherche est donc de combler ce vide théorique en proposant une perspective différente, qui analyse l 'effet que les conflits ethniques ont sur leur environnement externe, en étudiant notamment le potentiel de débordement du conflit de son foyer initial vers d'autres endroits. Dans un premier temps, nous · donc, allons construire, à partir de quelques hypothèses fondées sur des éléments empruntés à différentes théories des conflits ethniques et des processus de diffusion interétatiques, un indice mesurant le risque de diffusion d'un conflit ethnique dans la période d'après la guerre froide. Deuxièmement, cet indice, composé de plusieurs facteurs structurels propres au conflit, est le point de départ pour deux études de cas qui devraient nous offrir une perspective beaucoup plus détaillée et nuancée concernant le potentiel de diffusion des conflits ethniques.