Syftet med uppsatsen är via kvalitativ innehållsanalys undersöka vad Svenska Dagbladet rapporterade om kriget i Kosovo, samt hur kriget gestaltades via ledarsidorna under krigets samtid. Jag har delat upp kriget i 4 perioder. Under varje period presenteras vad som stod på agendan i tidningen om just Kosovokriget. Sedan analyserades de två första ledarsidorna under varje period. För att besvara min första frågeställning tillämpades dagordningsteorin; Vad presenteras på dagordningen i Svenska Dagbladet om kriget i Kosovo, samt hur rapporteringen skiljde sig över tid. Till den andra frågeställningen tillämpades gestaltningsteorin; Hur framställer (gestaltar) Svenska Dagbladet sina nyheter om kriget i Kosovo via ledarsidorna? Via databasen retriver.se har jag samlat mitt empiri.

The main purpose of this thesis was to analyze how Swedish political parties describe and frame Swedish foreign and security policy in the parliament debates from year 2015- 2017. The aim of the thesis was therefore to understand and concretize ideas politicians hold on the question of the Swedish non- military alignment policy. By extracting ideas from theories of international relations; realism, liberalism, constructivism and feminism the Swedish parties are being analyzed according to worldview, view of international actors, security issues and goals to achieve by the Swedish state in foreign policy matters. The analyze shows that politicians that had a realist view of foreign matters was in general more pessimistically oriented. Politicians with a liberal view was a bit more positively oriented towards both the world and also towards international cooperation. The politicians within liberal views also promoted a Swedish membership in NATO. Politicians with a constructivist and feminist view on foreign policy matters had a more optimistic view towards the world but also the states and organizations in it. They also promoted non- violence tools, diplomacy and negotiations above a NATO membership to secure the Swedish state, its people and interests. The second aim of the thesis was to discuss whether the Swedish military non- alignment policy is currently moving towards a change or reevaluation based on the behavior by the Swedish government. This raises questions about whether a foreign policy only exists in terms of words or also in terms of actions made by politicians as well.

Doctor of Philosophy / Security Studies Interdepartmental Program / Donald J. Mrozek / From 1989 to 1999, the US had an opportunity to end its rivalry with Russia. However, a “loss aversion heuristic” dominated the decision-making processes of George Bush and Bill Clinton resulting in policies that provoked Russian fears of encirclement. This “loss aversion heuristic” manifested in four key security decisions: the reunification of Germany within NATO, NATO expansion to newly independent states, the Balkans interventions, and the nuclear non-proliferation regime. Although initially suspicious of Gorbachev, Bush eventually pursued a policy of supporting his reforms. However, as the administration came to terms with the inevitability of German reunification and increased European integration as outlined in the Single European Act of 1987, worries about the US leadership role in Europe emerged. By the fall of 1989, Bush backed German reunification to bolster pro-NATO political parties in Germany. As he assumed the presidency in 1993, Clinton wanted to increase financial assistance to Russia. However, when it came to security issues, Clinton’s fear of losing democratic gains in Eastern Europe to an emerging Russian nationalist movement made him less conciliatory to Russia. Despite Yeltsin’s dismay, Clinton pushed for NATO’s enlargement to protect the newly independent states. The same “loss aversion heuristic” was in play with the NATO interventions in the Balkans in 1995 and 1998. Criticisms of NATO’s ineffectiveness at preventing genocide on the continent called into question the necessity of a European security organization that could not provide security. Even though the interventions cemented a continued rivalry with Russia, the US backed them as a means of protecting the relevance of NATO. These decisions had implications to the US policy of protecting the nuclear non-proliferation regime. Instead of securing a nuclear security partner, US policy contributed to Russians selling technology to rogue regimes, and they resisted US attempts to create an Anti-Ballistic Missile Defense (ABM) system in Eastern Europe. In this way, US policy success in securing NATO resulted in decreased nuclear security. In the first three security decisions, the US overestimated the probability of loss making them unable to consider a more cooperative posture vis-à-vis Russian security concerns. The result of this loss aversion was the protection of NATO and the loss of cooperation on the nuclear non-proliferation regime.

The master thesis describes the Finnish-Russian relations after 1995, that means the year when Finland joined the EU. The current mutual relations are considered to be excellent even in spite of Finland's negative experience from the past. The aim of the thesis is to analyze Finnish-Russian relations and to outline their individual fields. The question is whether the excellent relations will be continued or if there are any factors that could impair the development of the relations. The question might also be to which extent the experience from the past could determine some of the issues, such as Finland's joining the NATO or the Karelian question.

The case of Kosovo conflict serves as tool to test the validity of Huntington's theory. Owing to the fact that Mr, Huntington himself described the Balkans and Kosovo as an example of a fault line war, my aim is to verify his assumptions that the roots of the Kosovo conflict are to be found in the religion. During this work the conflict is reconstructed using Mr. Huntington's hypothesis and claims as well as interpreted by three hypothesis. Firstly, Kosovo could represent a conflict at the fault line, which would mean that the theory of the clash of the civilizations is verified. Secondly, the intervention of NATO implies participation of the third civilization in the conflict. To put in differently, the democratic West (NATO) intervened against the orthodox civilization (Serbia) in order to prevent the humanitarian catastrophe the Albanian population of Kosovo (Islam) was to face. Verification of this theory would imply that if there was a conflict between the civilizations in Kosovo, it was between the West (and Kosovo as an integral part of it) and the orthodox civilization. The third hypothesis interprets the Kosovo conflict as a war of the Civilization to promote its own values. Despite the fact that this explanation of the Kosovo conflict could possibly be the most probable one, original assumption of Mr. Huntington stating that the problems of Kosovo are of religious character would be falsified.

The deictic property of pronouns, words that stand for proper names and only take on referential status in the context of a specific utterance, is a fascinating area of study inasmuch as pronouns are pivotal to the construction of a sense of subject. The process of constructing the literary self is especially problematic as it also involves the equivocal placement in time and space of the written subject. This thesis examines that process In relation to the way two contemporary women writers make use of first- and second-person pronouns in two texts, and in so doing proposes a theory of women's first-person fiction as a subversive strategy to write outside the dominant patriarchal ideology. Part I: When "I" speak(s) to "you", not only does the text mark empty spaces to be filled, offering up literary béances as signposts to ravishment, but reader, text, and writer also participate in a triadic exchange of personal positions that turns the fixed origo of the deictic "I, here, and now" into another twist of the kaleidoscope, a temporary tableau of subjectivity. When "I" speak(s) to "you", language converts into speech by making the personae the dramatic necessity of the linguistic act; but literary speech localizes itself within a context that is endlessly locatable: with every reader and every reading, a different instantiation. By writing letters to their children, diaries to themselves, or literary products that exclude themselves from main-stream genres, women find in the false dialogism of "you"-addressed monologues a way of sustaining the illusion that one can write outside of patriarchal ideologies by denying the arbitrariness of the sign. "S/he" is patently a fictional construct, and the third person the venerable mode of epic and novelistic narration. When I speak to you, we seemingly short-circuit that channel and make of our communication both a detour around the symbolic order and a transparently direct line to the Other. Part II: In Oriana Fallaci's Lettera a un bambino mai nato this direct line is an umbilical cord, and her speech a series of lessons told as fables. The unnamed "you" makes possible the transmission of personal experience in a form that seems harmless and childish. Fallaci makes her work innocuous by stripping it of references to time, place, or person, so that the journalist, a chronicler of public History, is able to don the mask of private writer communicating personal history. This act is made possible by the equivocal functioning of the pronouns. Part III: Marguerite Duras, a self-avowed exile from writing at the time she wrote the three Aurélia Steiner texts, and, above all, from writing as a coherent story with well-crafted characters that develop along the linear exigencies of beginning, middle and end, finds in the peripatetic nomination of "you" and "I", an opening to a "post-Holocaust" solution to narrative. The shifting lines of Aurélia's tri-partite story are paralleled in the proliferation of "shifters" which fracture and disperse the unity of the text, preventing total mastery by the reader, while also frustrating the reader's efforts to construct a monolithic sense of self and Other. / Arts, Faculty of / English, Department of / Graduate

The main focus of the master thesis is on the emergence, development and current state of the Cypriot conflict in regard to the broader Greek-Turkish relations. Special attention is being drawn to the consequences which this problem causes to the cooperation of Greece and Turkey as its secondary actors and to their involvement in the main European integration projects - the European Union and NATO. The first chapter deals with a historical analysis of Greek-Turkish relations as well as with selected theoretical aspects of the Cypriot conflict - nationalism and conflict typology. The second chapter observes the inclusion of the European Union in relations with all the subjects to the conflict in Cyprus, with regard to the current trends in international political and economic environment shaping those relations. The following chapter describes the role the Cyprus conflict has in terms of NATO-EU cooperation in creating the European security architecture. The final part summarizes the findings and, based on them, draws a model depicting the mutual links among the subjects concerned with the situation in Cyprus and their character.

Sweden has a long history of non-belligerency and neutrality in world affairs. However, with the political landscape changing across the world Sweden may have made it possible to break this trend by joining the NATO organization.  Following an analysis of Sweden’s actions towards NATO in two fields. The first being the institutional theory which organizations like NATO represents, the other being the direct participation and collaboration Sweden has made in NATO operations and organizations. The conclusion was reached that Sweden has made concessions towards and approached the organization in both fields yet currently remains a non-member. The potential future outcome is tied to the sociopolitical perspectives within liberalism, realism and ultimately path dependency.

David Galula var en fransk officer som 1964 skrev ner sina teorier om upprorsbekämpning.Dessa teorier har därefter fått ett enormt stort utrymme i både utbildningar och itillämpningar på konflikter världen över. Uppsatsen avhandlar skillnader och likhetermellan Galulas åtta operationella steg och NATO:s nya doktrin för COIN-operationer från2011.Syftet med uppsatsen är att studera de två verken för att utröna hur mycket Galulas teorieranvänds i en modern handbok gällande upprorsbekämpning. Kopplat till användet avGalula i doktrinen vill uppsatsen bedöma hur mycket plats Galulas teorier bör få i denmoderna svenska officersutbildningen.Uppsatsen har nyttjat sig av en kvalitativ textanalys samt en komparativ del där de tvåverken jämförs. NATO:s doktrin för COIN-operationer har analyserats med hjälp avGalulas åtta steg. Resultatet visar att Galulas teorier till viss del går att finna i doktrinen,men det är även mycket som ej går att koppla mellan verken.

No description available.