The incremental nature of sentence processing raises questions about the way the information of incoming functional elements is accessed and subsequently employed in building the syntactic structure which sustains interpretation processes. The present work approaches these questions by investigating the negative particle ne used for sentential negation in Bulgarian and its impact on the overt realisation and the interpretation of imperative inflexion, bound aspectual morphemes and clitic pronouns in child, adult and aphasic language. In contrast to other Slavic languages, Bulgarian negative imperatives (NI) are grammatical only with imperfective verbs. We argue that NI are instantiations of overt aspectual coercion induced by the presence of negation as a temporally sensitive sentential operator. The scope relation between imperative mood, negation, and aspect yields the configuration of the imperfective present which in Bulgarian has to be overtly expressed and prompts the imperfective marking of the predicate. The regular and transparent application of the imperfectivising mechanism relates to the organisation of the TAM categories in Bulgarian which not only promotes the representation of fine perspective shifts but also provides for their distinct morphological expression. Using an elicitation task with NI, we investigated the way 3- and 4-year-old children represent negation in deontic contexts as reflected in their use of aspectually appropriate predicates. Our findings suggest that children are sensitive to the imperfectivity requirement in NI from early on. The imperfectivisation strategies reveal some differences from the target morphological realisation. The relatively low production of target imperfectivised prefixed verbs cannot be explained with morphological processing deficits, but rather indicates that up to the age of five children experience difficulties to apply a progressive view point to accomplishments. Two self-paced reading studies present evidence that neurologically unimpaired Bulgarian speakers profit from the syntactic and prosodic properties of negation during online sentence comprehension. The imperfectivity requirement negation imposes on the predicate speeds up lexical access to imperfective verbs. Similarly, clitic pronouns are more accessible after negation due to the phono-syntactic properties of clitic clusters. As the experimental stimuli do not provide external discourse referents, personal pronouns are parsed as object agreement markers. Without subsequent resolution, personal pronouns appear to be less resource demanding than reflexive clitics. This finding is indicative of the syntax-driven co-reference establishment processes triggered through the lexical specification of reflexive clitics. The results obtained from Bulgarian Broca's aphasics show that they exhibit processing patterns similar to those of the control group. Notwithstanding their slow processing speed, the agrammatic group showed no impairment of negation as reflected by their sensitivity to the aspectual requirements of NI, and to the prosodic constraints on clitic placement. The aphasics were able to parse the structural dependency between mood, negation and aspect as functional categories and to represent it morphologically. The prolonged reaction times (RT) elicited by prefixed verbs indicate increasing processing costs due to the semantic integration of prefixes as perfectivity markers into an overall imperfective construal. This inference is supported by the slower RT to reflexive clitics, which undergo a structurally triggered resolution. Evaluated against cross-linguistic findings, the obtained result strongly suggests that aphasic performance with pronouns depends on the interpretation efforts associated with co-reference establishment and varies due to availability of discourse referents. The investigation of normal and agrammatic processing of Bulgarian NI presents support for the hypothesis that the comprehension deficits in Broca's aphasia result from a slowed-down implementation of syntactic operations. The protracted structure building consumes processing resources and causes temporal mismatches with other processes sustaining sentence comprehension. The investigation of the way Bulgarian children and aphasic speakers process NI reveals that both groups are highly sensitive to the imperfective constraint on the aspectual construal imposed by the presence of negation. The imperfective interpretation requires access to morphologically complex verb forms which contain aspectual morphemes with conflicting semantic information – perfective prefixes and imperfective suffixes. Across modalities, both populations exhibit difficulties in processing prefixed imperfectivised verbs which as predicates of negative imperative sentences reflect the inner perspective the speaker and the addressee need to take towards a potentially bounded situation description. / Die schnelle und automatische Natur der Satzverarbeitung wirft Fragen nach der inkrementellen Integration von funktionalen Elementen auf. Wie erfolgt der Zugriff auf die strukturellen, semantischen und prosodischen Informationen der funktionalen Elemente? Wie werden diese Informationen beim Aufbau der syntaktischen Struktur so verknüpft, dass eine wohlgeformte semantische Repräsentation entsteht? Die vorliegende Dissertation widmet sich diesen Fragen durch die Untersuchung der Verarbeitungsmuster von bulgarischen negativen Imperativen (NI) in der Sprache von Kindern, Erwachsenen und Broca-Aphasikern. Die Effekte der Negationspartikel ne auf die Realisierung und die Interpretation von Imperativ- und Aspektmorphologie sowie von klitischen Pronomen werden in Produktions- und online Satzverständnistests untersucht. Im Unterschied zu anderen slawischen Sprachen sind synthetische NI im Bulgarischen mit perfektiven Verben ungrammatisch. Diese Besonderheit wird zunächst durch die aspektuelle Interpretation von NI und die sprachspezifische Organisation des TAM-Systems begründet. Die Aspektrestriktion resultiert aus dem Aspektzwang, den die Negation als temporal sensitiver Operator auslöst. Die Skopusrelation zwischen imperativem Modus, Negation und Aspekt ergibt die temporale Konfiguration von imperfektivem Präsens, die im Bulgarischen morphologisch durch die Imperfektivierung des Prädikats markiert werden muss. Der Wechsel in der aspektuellen Perspektive wird durch einen produktiven und transparenten Imperfektivierungsmechanismus gewährleistet. Der Erwerb von Negation in deontischen Kontexten wurde anhand der Produktion von imperfektiven Prädikaten in einem Elizitationsexperiment mit 3- und 4-jährigen Kindern untersucht. Die Ergebnisse belegen eine frühe Sensitivität für die aspektuelle Wohlgeformtheit der NI. Die Imperfektivierungsstragien zeigen jedoch Abweichungen von der zielsprachlichen morphologischen Realisierung. Die relativ niedrige Produktion von imperfektivierten präfigierten Verben kann nicht durch Defizite in der Morphologieverarbeitung erklärt werden. Die Fehleranalyse verdeutlicht die Schwierigkeiten der Kinder eine Innenperspektive zu potenziell gebundenen Ereignissen einzunehmen, die der zielsprachlichen Interpretation entspräche. Die syntaktischen und prosodischen Effekte der Negation auf die inkrementelle Verarbeitung von Imperativen bei erwachsenen bulgarischen Muttersprachlern wurde in zwei online Leseexperimenten (self-paced reading) untersucht. Die Reaktionszeiten (RT) zeigen, dass die Negation den lexikalischen Zugriff auf imperfektive Verben beschleunigt. In NI wird der Verarbeitungsaufwand für klitische Pronomen auch deutlich reduziert, da die proklitische Negation mit den pronominalen Enklitika eine phono-syntaktisch strikt geordnete Sequenz bildet. Da der experimentelle Kontext keine externen Diskursreferenten bereitstellt, werden klitische Personalpronomen als Objektkongruenzmarker verarbeitet. Dementsprechend elizitieren sie kürzere RT als die reflexiven Klitika, die eine syntaktisch motivierte Resolution auslösen. Abgesehen von der deutlich verlangsamten Geschwindigkeit, weisen die RT der untersuchten Broca-Aphasikern ein mit dem der Kontrollgruppe vergleichbares Muster auf. Die Agrammatiker profitieren vom Aspektzwang sowie von den phono-syntaktischen Restriktionen der klitischen Gruppe in NI. Dieses Ergebnis wird als Evidenz interpretiert, dass keine qualitative Beeinträchtigung in der Verarbeitung der funktionalen Eigenschaften der Negation vorliegt. Die Aphasiker sind in der Lage die strukturell bedingte Interaktion zwischen Modus, Negation und Aspekt zu parsen und morphologisch abzubilden, weisen jedoch längere RT für präfigierte Verben auf, was auf einen erhöhten Interpretationsaufwand hindeutet. Die längeren RT der reflexiven Klitika sprechen auch dafür, dass die Performanz der Broca-Aphasikern eher durch den Resolutionsprozess und durch die Verfügbarkeit von Diskursreferenten bedingt wird. Die Lesezeit-Experimente liefern Evidenz für die Hypothese, dass Verständnisdefizite bei Broca-Aphasie von einer langsamen Implementierung syntaktischer Operationen resultieren. Die Limitierung von Verarbeitungsressourcen verzögert den Strukturaufbau und verursacht zeitliche Diskrepanzen zwischen Prozessen, die die semantische Repräsentation bedingen. Die Untersuchungen zur Verarbeitung von NI bei bulgarischen Kindern und Broca-Aphasikern belegen die hohe Sensitivität beider Gruppen für den Aspektzwang in prohibitiven NI. Die imperfektive Interpretation erfordert Zugang zu morphologisch komplexen Verben mit semantisch widersprüchlichen aspektuellen Affixen – perfektiven Präfixen und imperfektiven Suffixen. Beide Gruppen haben Schwierigkeiten präfigierte imperfektivierte Verben zu verarbeiten. Als Prädikate in NI reflektieren solche komplexe Verben die innere Perspektive, die Sprecher und Hörer in der Repräsentation eines potenziell gebundenen Ereignisses einzunehmen haben.

This thesis provides a general descriptive account of the morpho-syntactic expression of negation in fifteen Modern Arabic varieties and investigates three of these varieties in more depth. The thesis contributes to the typological literature on negation through a survey of the negation patterns in a number of related and geographically close varieties. It sheds light on the most influential factors that unify the negation patterns found in these varieties, which are predicate type and form. It is found that the type of the predicate, such as verbal and nonverbal predicates, as well as the form of the verbal predicate, such as active participle as opposed to other verbal forms, play an essential role in determining the negation markers used. In addition, this thesis gives a comprehensive account of a number of negative elements in Libyan Arabic, namely the negative auxiliary, negative particle mʕəš, and miš as a metalinguistic marker, and establishes the morpho-syntactic properties and pragmatic functions of these elements. It concludes that the negative auxiliary is used for a specific pragmatic function, which is to deny assumed background information. It also finds that even though miš is not a negation marker exclusive for metalinguistic negation, it is a special metalinguistic marker that signals the metalinguistic reading of verbal sentences.

abstract: ABSTRACT There are many parts of speech and morphological items in a linguistic lexicon that may be optional in order to have a cohesive language with a complete range of expression. Negation is not one of them. Negation appears to be absolutely essential from a linguistic (and indeed, a psychological) point of view within any human language. Humans need to be able to say in some fashion "No" and to express our not doing things in various ways. During the discussions that appear in this thesis, I expound upon the historical changes that can be seen within three different language branches - North Germanic (with Gothic, Old Saxon, Old Norse, Swedish, and Icelandic), West Germanic (with English), and Celtic (with Welsh) - focusing on negation particles in particular and their position within these languages. I also examine how each of these chosen languages has seen negation shift over time in relation to Jespersen's negation cycle. Finally, I compare and contrast the results I see from these languages, demonstrating that they all three do follow a distinct negation cycle. I also explain how these three negation cycles are chronologically not in sync with one another and obviously all changed at different rates. This appears to be the case even within the different branches of the Germanic family. / Dissertation/Thesis / M.A. English 2014

The aim of this corpus study is to provide an adequate description of negation strategies in existential predications in Swedish. In Swedish, existential predications may be negated by a standard negative marker. Another possibility to negate existence is by using a negative indefinite pronoun. In negation of existential predications in Swedish, the choice between standard negation and indefinite pronouns, whether negative or not, has not been previously described in any descriptive or theoretical work. It is therefore the purpose of the current study to describe what factors determine the choice of negative marker in existential predications. The results of this study show that there is a strong preference to negate existential predications with a negative indefinite pronoun. Further, it is shown that the negative indefinite pronoun is frequently used as a modifier to the pivot, and thus states an unconditional absence.

Denna uppsats syfte och mål har varit att undersöka distribution och funktion för den i dellboska partikeln e. Undersökningen utgår från material transkriberat dels från egna inspelningar, dels inspelningar från Swedia2000projektet. Analysen uppdelas sedan på två delar; en första grammatisk undersökning för att fastställa regler för distributionen, somgenomförs utifrån skribentens och informanters språkkänsla samt konkordansundersökningar. Dessa resultat ligger sedan till grund för undersökningen av partikelns funktion i diskursen utifrån definitioner av diskursmarkörer. Slutligen har undersökningen visat att partikelntroligtvis kan införas under begreppet final dubblering av negation, samt också kan definieras som en diskurspartkel med funktionen att signalera övertygelse om att det som sägs är riktigt, och något som inte bör ifrågasättas.

Nesta tese, analiso, a partir do arcabouço teórico da gramática gerativa (Chomsky 1957 e outros), uma série de fenômenos relacionados à expressão da negação no português brasileiro (PB). Trato de quatro temas principais: (i) a distribuição dos marcadores negativos em diferentes contextos sintáticos; (ii) as formas de codificação da negação enfática; (iii) a negação de constituintes; (iv) e a determinação do escopo em sentenças com adjuntos. Os fenômenos examinados possuem duas propriedades em comum: (a) ao contrário do normalmente esperado para o PB, o marcador não se coloca à esquerda, mas à direita do elemento negado, em uma configuração [X(P) Neg]; (b) o marcador apresenta um requerimento anafórico, ocorrendo apenas em contextos em que o constituinte negado tenha sido previamente introduzido no discurso. A tese principal é que a ordem linear e anaforicidade são resultado de uma propriedade sintática básica: esses marcadores são gerados no CP e, portanto, apresentam sensibilidade a propriedades codificadas nesse sistema. Ao longo da tese, demonstro como essa sensibilidade se manifesta em diferentes fenômenos. Quanto à distribuição dos marcadores, mostro que o não pós-VP apresenta um série de restrições com propriedades ilocucionárias e sintáticas das sentenças em que ocorre. Argumento que essas propriedades são derivadas de o não pós-VP não ser um adjunto verbal nem a realização da polaridade sentencial, mas a realização de uma categoria funcional associada à confirmação e rejeição de proposições prévias, o que aproxima o não pós-VP de partículas como o yes e no do inglês ao invés de marcadores internos como not. Quanto à negação enfática, argumento que o não pós-VP do PB não é um recurso de ênfase ou reforço da negação pré-verbal enfraquecida. Proponho que o quantificador nada, aparecendo em posições não-argumentais, é que pode exercer as funções de negação enfática e de negação exclamativa (ou metalinguística). Quanto à negação de constituintes, mostro que, assim como na negação sentencial, o PB também pode exibir a configuração [X Neg] com a negação agindo sobre DPs, APs, PPs e AdvPs. Argumento que essa configuração só está disponível em contextos em que o elemento negado ocorra isoladamente ou em posição periférica da sentença, sendo proibido em contextos mediais. Defendo, então, que a configuração [X Neg] na negação de constituintes não é derivada por adjunção da negação à direita do elemento negado, mas pela ativação da mesma categoria (do CP) em que são gerados o não pós-VP e o marcador nada, com o constituinte não-oracional aparecendo no especificador dessa categoria, com apagamento opcional da estrutura sentencial abaixo da negação. Quanto ao escopo, analiso a interpretação da negação em sentenças com adjuntos verbais e com marcadores pré-verbais (em que há ambiguidade de escopo) e com marcadores pré-verbais e pós-VP (em que a ambiguidade se desfaz). Argumento contra a análise de ambiguidade nas relações de c-comando (cf. Huang 1982; Johnston 1994) e assumo a proposta de Hornstein & Nunes (2008) sobre a opcionalidade de atribuição de rótulo nas operações de adjunção. Proponho que a presença ou ausência de rótulo afeta as relações de escopo negativo ao tornar (ou não) o adjunto visível para o marcador negativo pré-verbal. / In this Dissertation, I analyze a set of phenomena related to the expression of negation in Brazilian Portuguese (BP). I deal with four main themes: (i) distribution of negative markers in different syntactic contexts, (ii) forms of encoding emphatic negation and (iii) constituent negations, (iv) and negative scope ambiguity in sentences with verbal adjuncts. These phenomena have two properties in common: (a) differently from what is normally expected in BP, the negative marker não is not placed at the left, but at the right of the negated constituent, in a configuration like [X(P) Neg]; (b) the marker has an anaphoric requirement and is acceptable only in contexts where the negated constituent has been previously introduced in the discourse or in the communicative context. The main hypothesis is that the linear order and the anaphoric requirement are the result of a syntactic property: these markers are generated in the CP and therefore are insensitive to properties encoded in the CPsystem. Throughout the thesis, I show how this sensitivity appear in different phenomena. As for item (i), I show that post-VP não shows a set of restrictions with discursive, illocutionary and syntactic properties of the sentences it occurs. I argue against proposals that analyze post- VP não as a verbal adjunct or the head of the sentential polarity category (PolP). I defend that post-VP não heads a functional category associated with confirmation and rejection of previous propositions and functions as English particles like yes and no rather than as internal markers as not. As for item (ii), I argue that post-VP não is not a form of emphasis or reinforcement of a weakened preverbal marker (in Jespersens 1917 sense). I propose that the negative quantifier nada, in non-argumental positions, is the marker responsible for emphatic negation and exclamative (or metalinguistic) negation in BP. As for item (iii), BP constituent negation behaves like sentential negation in allowing the configuration [X Neg], with the negative marker at the right of non-clausal phrases like DPs, APs, PPs and AdvPs. I show that [X Neg] is available only in contexts where negated XP occurs isolated or in a peripheral position of the sentence and is banned in medial positions. I argue then that [X Neg] in constituents negation also involves the category where post-VP não and non-argumental nada are generated, with the non-clausal constituent appearing in its specifier. As for item (iv), I examine the interpretation of negation over with verbal adjuncts in sentences with pre-verbal markers (which show scope ambiguity) and in sentences with both preverbal and post-VP markers (which show no scope ambiguity). I argue against Huang 1982 and Johnstons 1994 analyses, based on differences in c-command relations, and assume Hornstein & Nunes (2008) proposal on adjunction and labeling. I propose that the presence or absence of label in adjunctions affects scope relations in making verbal adjunct visible or invisible to negative marker.

Nesta tese, analiso, a partir do arcabouço teórico da gramática gerativa (Chomsky 1957 e outros), uma série de fenômenos relacionados à expressão da negação no português brasileiro (PB). Trato de quatro temas principais: (i) a distribuição dos marcadores negativos em diferentes contextos sintáticos; (ii) as formas de codificação da negação enfática; (iii) a negação de constituintes; (iv) e a determinação do escopo em sentenças com adjuntos. Os fenômenos examinados possuem duas propriedades em comum: (a) ao contrário do normalmente esperado para o PB, o marcador não se coloca à esquerda, mas à direita do elemento negado, em uma configuração [X(P) Neg]; (b) o marcador apresenta um requerimento anafórico, ocorrendo apenas em contextos em que o constituinte negado tenha sido previamente introduzido no discurso. A tese principal é que a ordem linear e anaforicidade são resultado de uma propriedade sintática básica: esses marcadores são gerados no CP e, portanto, apresentam sensibilidade a propriedades codificadas nesse sistema. Ao longo da tese, demonstro como essa sensibilidade se manifesta em diferentes fenômenos. Quanto à distribuição dos marcadores, mostro que o não pós-VP apresenta um série de restrições com propriedades ilocucionárias e sintáticas das sentenças em que ocorre. Argumento que essas propriedades são derivadas de o não pós-VP não ser um adjunto verbal nem a realização da polaridade sentencial, mas a realização de uma categoria funcional associada à confirmação e rejeição de proposições prévias, o que aproxima o não pós-VP de partículas como o yes e no do inglês ao invés de marcadores internos como not. Quanto à negação enfática, argumento que o não pós-VP do PB não é um recurso de ênfase ou reforço da negação pré-verbal enfraquecida. Proponho que o quantificador nada, aparecendo em posições não-argumentais, é que pode exercer as funções de negação enfática e de negação exclamativa (ou metalinguística). Quanto à negação de constituintes, mostro que, assim como na negação sentencial, o PB também pode exibir a configuração [X Neg] com a negação agindo sobre DPs, APs, PPs e AdvPs. Argumento que essa configuração só está disponível em contextos em que o elemento negado ocorra isoladamente ou em posição periférica da sentença, sendo proibido em contextos mediais. Defendo, então, que a configuração [X Neg] na negação de constituintes não é derivada por adjunção da negação à direita do elemento negado, mas pela ativação da mesma categoria (do CP) em que são gerados o não pós-VP e o marcador nada, com o constituinte não-oracional aparecendo no especificador dessa categoria, com apagamento opcional da estrutura sentencial abaixo da negação. Quanto ao escopo, analiso a interpretação da negação em sentenças com adjuntos verbais e com marcadores pré-verbais (em que há ambiguidade de escopo) e com marcadores pré-verbais e pós-VP (em que a ambiguidade se desfaz). Argumento contra a análise de ambiguidade nas relações de c-comando (cf. Huang 1982; Johnston 1994) e assumo a proposta de Hornstein & Nunes (2008) sobre a opcionalidade de atribuição de rótulo nas operações de adjunção. Proponho que a presença ou ausência de rótulo afeta as relações de escopo negativo ao tornar (ou não) o adjunto visível para o marcador negativo pré-verbal. / In this Dissertation, I analyze a set of phenomena related to the expression of negation in Brazilian Portuguese (BP). I deal with four main themes: (i) distribution of negative markers in different syntactic contexts, (ii) forms of encoding emphatic negation and (iii) constituent negations, (iv) and negative scope ambiguity in sentences with verbal adjuncts. These phenomena have two properties in common: (a) differently from what is normally expected in BP, the negative marker não is not placed at the left, but at the right of the negated constituent, in a configuration like [X(P) Neg]; (b) the marker has an anaphoric requirement and is acceptable only in contexts where the negated constituent has been previously introduced in the discourse or in the communicative context. The main hypothesis is that the linear order and the anaphoric requirement are the result of a syntactic property: these markers are generated in the CP and therefore are insensitive to properties encoded in the CPsystem. Throughout the thesis, I show how this sensitivity appear in different phenomena. As for item (i), I show that post-VP não shows a set of restrictions with discursive, illocutionary and syntactic properties of the sentences it occurs. I argue against proposals that analyze post- VP não as a verbal adjunct or the head of the sentential polarity category (PolP). I defend that post-VP não heads a functional category associated with confirmation and rejection of previous propositions and functions as English particles like yes and no rather than as internal markers as not. As for item (ii), I argue that post-VP não is not a form of emphasis or reinforcement of a weakened preverbal marker (in Jespersens 1917 sense). I propose that the negative quantifier nada, in non-argumental positions, is the marker responsible for emphatic negation and exclamative (or metalinguistic) negation in BP. As for item (iii), BP constituent negation behaves like sentential negation in allowing the configuration [X Neg], with the negative marker at the right of non-clausal phrases like DPs, APs, PPs and AdvPs. I show that [X Neg] is available only in contexts where negated XP occurs isolated or in a peripheral position of the sentence and is banned in medial positions. I argue then that [X Neg] in constituents negation also involves the category where post-VP não and non-argumental nada are generated, with the non-clausal constituent appearing in its specifier. As for item (iv), I examine the interpretation of negation over with verbal adjuncts in sentences with pre-verbal markers (which show scope ambiguity) and in sentences with both preverbal and post-VP markers (which show no scope ambiguity). I argue against Huang 1982 and Johnstons 1994 analyses, based on differences in c-command relations, and assume Hornstein & Nunes (2008) proposal on adjunction and labeling. I propose that the presence or absence of label in adjunctions affects scope relations in making verbal adjunct visible or invisible to negative marker.

Цель настоящей работы - определить языковые средства выражения отрицания в коммуникативном процессе и выявить специфику их употребления в русском языке через призму литовского языка. Отрицание является одной из важнейших языковых универсалий и присутствует во всех языках. Так как ошибочно употребленное средство выражения отрицания может привести к неправильному толкованию всего высказывания, изучение данной языковой категории представляется весьма актуальным и важным. В связи с поставленной целью в работе предполагается решение таких задач, как определение значения языковой категории отрицания, выделение способов выражения отрицания в языке, описание системы языковых средств выражения отрицания в русском языке, сравнение русских отрицательных конструкций с аналогичными конструкциями в литовском языке и осуществление статистического анализа частоты использования средств выражения отрицания. В данной работе мы использовали такие методы, как метод сплошной выборки, описательный метод, аналитический метод, сопоставительный метод и элементы статистического анализа. Данное исследование показало значительное расхождение в употреблении средств выражения отрицания (в оригинале романа их больше - ~12000 (11940), а в переводе меньше - только ~5200 (5124)). Переводчик часто употреблял иные средства выражения отрицания по сравнению с оригиналом, например, имплицитное отрицание переводил при помощи эксплицитных средств, а отрицательный аффикс - переводил без использования каких-либо... [полный текст, см. далее] / Magistrinio darbo tikslas - aprašyti kalbines neiginio raiškos priemones komunikaciniame procese ir atskleisti jų specifiką rusų kalboje per lietuvių kalbos prizmę, remiantis L. Tolstojaus romanu „Ana Kerenina“ ir jo vertimu (vert. Pr. Povilaitis) į lietuvių kalbą. Darbe aprašyta, kas yra kalbinė neiginio kategorija, išskirti neiginio raiškos būdai: eksplicitinis ir implicitinis, išskirtos kalbinės neiginio raiškos priemonės: neigiamieji priešdėliai, dalelytės, įvardžiai, prieveiksmiai, jungtukai, prielinksniai, predikatyvai, frazeologizmai, neiginių stiprinimo priemonės, dvigubi neiginiai, retoriniai klausimai ir sušukimai, komunikatyvai, neverbalika bei implicitinis neiginys. Magistrinio darbo tyrimas padėjo atskleisti tai, jog L. Tolstojus savo romane „Ana Karenina“ daugiausiai pavartojo neigiamųjų dalelyčių - 6958, o vertėjas Pr. Povilaitis - neigiamųjų priešdėlių - 2065. Jeigu pridėsime ir tuos atvejus, kai Pr. Povilaitis, versdamas kitas neiginio raiškos priemones vartojo neigiamuosius priešdėlius, tai galime teigti, jog vertime jų ne 2065, o daug daugiau - 8777. Taip pat atliktas tyrimas padėjo nustatyti priežastis, kurios lėmė neiginio raiškos priemonių vertimo nesutapimą su romano originalu. Magistrinis darbas šia tema galėtų būti panaudotas tolimesniems tyrinėjimams net tik rusų ir lietuvių kalbų gramatikos, literatūros, vertimo, taikomosios lingvistikos, bet ir tarpkultūrinės komunikacijos tyrinėjimams bei vadovėlių sudarymams. / The aim of this work - to determine linguistic means of expressing negation in the communication process and reveal the specifics of their use in the Russian language through the prism of the Lithuanian language. Negation is one of the most important language universals and is present in all languages. Since erroneous use of means of expressing negation can lead to misinterpretation of the whole utterance, the study of this language category seems to be very relevant and important. In connection with the target in the expected tasks such as determining the value of language category denial, isolation methods of expressing negation in the language description of the linguistic means of expressing negation in Russian language, Russian negative comparisons with structures similar constructions in the Lithuanian language and the implementation of statistical analysis frequency of use of the expression of negation.This study showed a significant difference in the use of means of expressing negation (in the original novel, there are more - ~12000 (11940), and the translation is less - only ~5200 (5124 )). Translator often tried other means of expressing negation in comparison with the original, for example, an implicit denial of transfer, using explicit means and the negative affix - translated without the use of any means of expressing negation.

No description available.

The ability to detect faces in images is of critical ecological significance. It is a pre-requisite for other important face perception tasks such as person identification, gender classification and affect analysis. Here we address the question of how the visual system classifies images into face and non-face patterns. We focus on face detection in impoverished images, which allow us to explore information thresholds required for different levels of performance. Our experimental results provide lower bounds on image resolution needed for reliable discrimination between face and non-face patterns and help characterize the nature of facial representations used by the visual system under degraded viewing conditions. Specifically, they enable an evaluation of the contribution of luminance contrast, image orientation and local context on face-detection performance.