Since the US election in the fall of 2016, China have been looked towards to fill a leadership position in climate change negotiations. This essay focuses on determining China's efficiency in the COP15 and COP22 negotiations in establishing its ambitions and policy objectives. The results show that China was very effective in achieveing their policy aims both at COP15 and COP22 even if the negotiations had different aims. The overall performance of China has affected the COP outcomes and helped its establishment of a leadership role within the group of developing countries in the UNFCCC. This essay also shows that the prior expectation for a UNFCCC climate change negotiation might be a better explanatory factor than institutional goal in determining policy objectives in effectiveness studies.

A classification of the negotiating tactics used by Russian diplomats has been a facet of Soviet diplomatic behavior which has been relatively ignored. A survey of Western writings on Soviet negotiating behavior indicates that Russian diplomats employ a wide range of bargaining tactics in attempts to gain concessions from Western negotiators. These various bargaining methods have been classified in this paper as to the type of maneuver they represent. There are four discernible Soviet negotiating maneuvers. The first maneuver is comprised of tactics designed to turn a conference or part thereof into a forum for Russian propaganda. Of all the tactics employed those related to propaganda are found most frequently in negotiations primarily because of the relative ease with which they can be utilized. While some propaganda tactics are straightforward, such as slogans and epithets, others are subtle such as the use of general rather than specific terms. The second Russian maneuver contains a large number of tactics designed to obstruct negotiations. A common aspect of Soviet diplomatic behavior has been the skillful use of delaying tactics so that negotiations either drag on or collapse. The Russians use obstructionist tactics frequently to prevent a decision on a proposal which they believe will be inimical to Soviet interests. They also use it to stall for time so that a new policy can be formulated as well as to make the West concede points in order to end Russian delays. The third Soviet maneuver is comprised of offensive tactics designed to obtain as many concessions as possible from the West before an agreement is reached on a particular proposal. Because there are a relatively large number of offensive tactics, for purposes of discussion in this paper, they have been sub-divided into three groups: overt, subtle and those which exploit the inclinations of Western diplomats. The fourth and last group of maneuvers is comprised of Russian duplicity tactics. According to Western observers, the Russians have utilized a number of tactics designed to deceive Western negotiators. The most prominent duplicity tactic has been the feigning of agreements. During the Second World War the Russians entered into many verbal and written agreements largely to demonstrate to the Western allies their co-operative spirit so that lend lease supplies and any post-war territorial gains promised by the West would not be jeopardized. Before the end of the war the Russians stalled on implementing most agreements but as soon as the war finished and lend lease supplies stopped, Soviet violations of agreements and treaties occurred frequently. However, since Khrushchev enunciated the doctrine of peaceful coexistence in 1956, the Russians have used duplicity tactics less frequently although they have demonstrated as recently as the Cuban missile incident in 1962, that if the stakes are high enough they will resort to deception to gain an advantage. According to Western observers, the Russian diplomat is more a specialized messenger or a mechanical mouthpiece than a diplomat in the traditional sense. The Western diplomat can comment extemporaneously on proposals and can advise his government on policy whereas his Soviet counterpart cannot. When Western descriptions of their own diplomats are compared with their descriptions of Soviet diplomats it becomes apparent that many Western observers have black and white conceptions with respect to the differences between Russian and Western behavior. Many Westerners see their diplomats as honest, polite, and cooperative whereas they see the Russian diplomat as insincere, rude and intransigent. Negotiations with the Soviet Union since 1945 have left a number of impressions upon Westerners and some of these impressions have crystallized into a number of strongly held beliefs as to how the West should negotiate with the Russians. These four beliefs concern firmness (temporized by prudence), an anti-conciliatory attitude (because the Soviets supposedly look upon conciliation as appeasement), a stress on specific, written agreements, and a belief that relations between states must be based on trust. However, it is suggested that trust is not a reliable ground upon which to base agreements between states. Basing agreements on mutual self-interest rather than trust might offer greater opportunities for East-West settlements. Moreover, a new Western conciliatory attitude combined with shrewdness in the light of Sino-Soviet difficulties might help to improve East-West relations. Historical examples of Soviet negotiating behavior lend support to the beliefs of those Western observers who claim that the Russians use negotiations for more than just a method of resolving disputes and accommodating interests. Indeed, Soviet diplomatic behavior seems to have been generally consistent with Communist ideological beliefs on the role of diplomacy as another method for furthering international communism against "bourgeois" interests. Western diplomats who have negotiated with the Soviets describe Russian tactics fairly specifically, but rarely do they mention any use of their own tactics. The implication is that many Westerners may have a narrow view of the negotiating process. That is, they see the Russians using tactics but not themselves. This dichotomy is incorrect because Westerners utilize negotiating tactics such as those related to propaganda and offensive maneuvers. Two types of maneuvers which the West has not utilized are duplicity and obstruction, neither of which are really related to the bargaining process. When overt acknowledgment of Western tactics occurs, East-West bargaining should not be as difficult, frustrating or disappointing as Westerners claim it now is. All Soviet actions will not be construed as vile once Westerners accept many Soviet tactics as a legitimate part of the bargaining process. Westerners should also consider that the Soviets are probably wary of Western negotiating tactics. / Arts, Faculty of / Political Science, Department of / Graduate

Current political research on peace negotiations is fundamentally incomplete because it lacks the capacity to explain individual intents, choices and actions. This dissertation asks what impact individual negotiators, their approaches and choices of tactics have on peace talks and their outcomes. Individual people—be they representatives of rebel groups, non-governmental organisations or states—negotiate peace agreements. Consequently, an examination of individual motivations and actions in negotiations yields important knowledge. A fuller understanding of political negotiations, negotiators, and their tactics in Sierra Leone and Liberia is facilitated through a multidisciplinary consideration of the psychology, law and management studies literatures that consider individual motivations, biases, and behaviours. Based on extensive field research in Sierra Leone and Liberia, including numerous interviews with key players, I argue that individuals and their specific approaches and tactics influenced and altered the course of these peace negotiations, as well as their outcomes. Negotiators engaged in peace talks with underlying approaches (such as competitive, collaborative and cooperative styles) and then came to use various tactics (including shifting goalposts, hardball, silence, and bad faith), many of which were influenced by their innate biases and frames. Exploring these individuals’ conduct gives us previously unexplored insight into peace processes.

Focusing on the current reality in Czech Republic and Hong Kong, the paper deals with the process of business negotiation and other topics concerning products offered by international student organization AIESEC, offering a comparison of the given markets. AIESEC is presented in the introduction to the thesis, giving a general overview as well as a deeper insight into the Czech and Hong Kong reality in the area of services provided by AIESEC to their corporate partners. A characteristic of Hong Kong follows, describing the geographic, political, economic and cultural specifics of the territory. The focal point of the paper is the analysis of the selling process of AIESEC products, showing the specific characteristics of business negotiation in Hong Kong. The main aspects of the analysis are preparation for a business appointment, usage of presentation materials, participants and place of the appointment, the respective phases of the selling process as well as strategic and tactical issues. In the concluding part of the paper a comparison of the two given countries is drawn, in terms of the sales procedures while offering the specific AIESEC products. A quantitative overview is included, as well as an estimation of the market potential for selling international internships in the respective countries. Furthermore, customer relationship management and cultural specifics are discussed. A SWOT analysis follows, presenting the abovementioned learnings in a structured way.

The diploma thesis is focused on the participation of developing countries in multilateral trade system. It analyzes the developing countries' view of world trade system, how this system reflected their special needs and interests and how their positions changed in multilateral trade negotiations under GATT/WTO.

India, China and Indonesia are among the six largest and fastest growing economies in the world (BRIICS). Rich countries are still reluctant to accept the fact that developing countries are becoming stronger and that the balance of economic power is shifting. The international community therefore seeks to find the way how to deal with this situation and the answer is to involve developing countries in the international trade. The main objective of the WTO is to involve developing countries in world trade and to create better conditions for them. Therefore, in 2001, the Doha Development Agenda has commenced and its aim is to achieve the goals of the WTO. The main objective of this paper is to evaluate the success of the Doha round and its prospects with the focus on the attitudes and interests of the major Asian economies, namely China, India and Indonesia.

In the last four decades, hostage situations have rapidly increased in the world due to the threat of terrorism and other social problems. The goals of hostage takers are to achieve certain political, criminal, and/or social benefits through hostage situations. It is not only a police problem but also a governmental problem. Police apply either negotiation or tactical intervention in hostage situations to recover hostages without bloodshed or loss of life. Success in this endeavor is based on effective negotiation. The purposes of this study are to analyze the major actors and their roles in hostage situations, to identify effective negotiation strategies and tools, and to provide some future recommendations for governments, police agencies, and researchers for peaceful resolutions in hostage situations.

Esta dissertação visa compreender a participação do setor empresarial nas negociações internacionais do Brasil. Para isso, será analisado o posicionamento do setor referente às negociações do Mercosul, Organização Mundial do Comércio e Mercosul-União Européia, enfocando nas posições da Confederação Nacional da Indústria (CNI) emitidas em documentos e declarações à imprensa no período 2003-2010. No debate da relevância do empresariado como ator político, os resultados da pesquisa buscam identificar se ocorreram mudanças no papel do setor no período do governo Lula em termos de representação e participação nas negociações internacionais, com recorte no balanço da evolução do posicionamento e da influência da CNI nessas negociações. / This dissertation aims to understand the entrepreneurial sector participation in international negotiations of Brazil. For this, the dissertation will analyse the sector\'s position on the negotiations of Mercosur, the WTO and Mercosur-European Union, focusing on the positions of the National Confederation of Industry (CNI) issued in documents and statements to the press in the period 2003-2010. In discussing the importance of entrepreneurs as a political actor, the search results try to identify whether there were changes in the role of the sector in the period of Lulas government in terms of representation and participation in international negotiations, with clipping on the balance of the CNI\'s positioning and influence in those negotiations.

Climate change is a global phenomenon that sees the rise in total global temperatures creating long-term change in average weather patterns affecting populations across the globe. Studies have shown that human activity is one of the main causes of the exacerbation of the release of greenhouse gases into the atmosphere that cause the earth to warm up faster than usual. Debates have emerged between developed and developing countries on who should take responsibility for dealing with the climate problem as both groups have a different stake in the climate change debate. Developed or industrialised countries are known to be the largest emitters of greenhouse gases and developing countries have lower levels of emissions. Regardless, on-going climate negotiations reveal that it is a global problem that needs participation from all countries to solve. Africa has taken to negotiating as a collective through the promotion of common African positions and the main question this paper aims to explore is if these common positions truly represent the interests of all 54 African states. This study is literature-based and uses a qualitative research approach supported by documentary evidence. The research uses a theoretical framework with the use of realism and social constructivism. / Mini Dissertation (MA (Diplomatic Studies))--University of Pretoria, 2020. / Political Sciences / MA (Diplomatic Studies) / Unrestricted

- 1 - Determination of the state border between Czechoslovakia and Poland Abstract This thesis deals with the question of determination of the state border between Czechoslovakia and Poland. The first chapter deals with issues related to the formation of both states and the concept of common borders, which were prepared by leading members of the Czechoslovak political representation during the World War. This chapter also deals with the presentation of the territorial requirements of Czechoslovakia at the Paris Peace Conference and related diplomatic negotiations in the context of this peace conference. The second chapter focuses on the issue of Těšínsko, which may have become the most important aspect of border disputes between the two countries concerned. The individual subchapters discuss in detail the establishment of Czechoslovak and Polish authorities in this area, their mutual negotiations, as well as the subsequent military engagement. However, special attention is given to the issue of following diplomatic negotiations, the planned referendum and, finally, the decision of the Conference of Ambassadors, as a result of which the disputed territory of Těšínsko was divided. The third chapter of this thesis focuses on the territory of Orava and Spiš. There was a further conflict of Czechoslovak and...