O MERCOSUL e a União Européia (UE) firmaram no ano de 1995, o Acordo Marco de Cooperação Inter-Regional, que tinha como objetivo fortalecer as relações bi-regionais e a preparar as condições para a criação de uma Associação Inter-Regional, que abrangesse a área comercial, cooperação econômica, tecnológica, financeira, e também cultural e social. A concretização da Associação representaria um grande ganho para o MERCOSUL devido à importância comercial que a UE representa para o bloco, sendo a sua principal parceira tanto nas exportações quantos nas importações. Desde a assinatura do acordo, os dois blocos realizaram diversas rodadas de negociações, mas não conseguiram avançar na direção de maiores realizações. Um dos principais entraves tem sido a intransigência da UE, principalmente no que diz respeito ao conceder melhores ofertas no setor agrícola. O presente trabalho objetiva, portanto, analisar a evolução das negociações comerciais entre os dois blocos, a fim de identificar os entraves no setor agrícola, que contribuíram para o impedimento da implantação da Associação Inter-Regional. A evolução das rodadas de negociações entre os dois blocos mostrou que o protecionismo agrícola é um dos pontos cruciais para a obtenção de um acordo de livre comércio. O fracasso das negociações provou para o MERCOSUL, que independemente das negociações acontecerem no plano multilateral ou bilateral, a UE não está disposta em maiores concessões. Portanto, enquanto a UE mantiver as subvenções, responsáveis por enormes excedentes na produção agrícola européia, não será possível a obtenção de melhores resultados, que conduzam a implantação de uma área de livre comércio entre MERCOSUL e União Européia. / MERCOSUR and the European Union (EU) signed in 1995, the Framework Agreement on Inter-Regional Cooperation, which aimed to strengthen bi-regional relations and prepare the conditions for the creation of an Interregional Association, covering the commercial area, economic cooperation, technological, financial and also cultural and social. The concretion of the Association would be a great gain for Mercosur due to the commercial importance that the EU accounts for the block, which is its main partner in both exports and imports. Since signing the agreement, the two blocks had several rounds of negotiations, but failed to move toward greater accomplishments. A major obstacle has been the intransigence of the EU, particularly with regard to grant better offers in the agricultural sector. This paper aims, therefore, to examine developments in trade negotiations between the two blocs, in order to identify the barriers in the agricultural sector, which contributed to impeding the implantation of the Inter-Regional. The evolution of rounds of negotiations between the two blocs has shown that agricultural protectionism is one of the crucial points for achieving a free trade agreement. The failure of the negotiations proved to MERCOSUR, that independently the negotiations occur multilaterally or bilaterally, the EU is not willing to further concessions. So, while the EU maintains subsidies, responsible for huge surpluses on European agricultural production, it is not possible to obtain better results, which conduce to establishment of a free trade area between MERCOSUR and the European Union.

O referencial teórico utilizado nesta pesquisa é a Análise de Discurso de linha francesa; também se lança mão, neste texto, de considerações de outros estudiosos da linguagem verbal (Mikhail Bakhtin e Norman Fairclough, especialmente) e também da linguagem visual (Gunther Kress e Theo van Leeuwen) compatíveis com essa abordagem dos estudos do discurso. O objeto deste estudo, o RPG Vampire: the Masquerade, torna-se merecedor de atenção acadêmica porque apresenta uma aparente tendência à dispersão das formas de saber e das posições de poder na prática do jogo - isto é, trata-se de um jogo que explicitamente recomenda a interpretação livre de suas regras e estimula a sensibilidade do leitor para a multiplicidade de pontos de vista na construção da narrativa. A hipótese de pesquisa é que, no discurso do livro de regras de Vampire, abre-se a possibilidade de que se constitua uma nova relação de poder entre as posições discursivas do Autor e do Leitor/Jogador, em que este, o elemento tradicionalmente mais fraco nas práticas de interpretação dos jogos, assuma a posição de fonte privilegiada de produção de significados. Para verificar em que medida efetivamente ocorre essa dispersão do saber-poder interpretativo, esta pesquisa analisa o funcionamento discursivo do jogo (tomando como corpus os discursos verbal e visual registrados no livro de regras), isto é, como o leitor se relaciona com o jogo, quais formações discursivas estão presentes no discurso do livro de regras do jogo, que efeitos de sentido delas resultam, como elas afetam as práticas discursivas e, por decorrência, as práticas sociais desse leitor. As asperezas do discurso e seus pontos de deriva constituem os dados para a análise. Para as finalidades desta pesquisa, três dimensões do jogo são analisadas: a) a caracterização do leitor de Vampire: The Masquerade, de acordo com os indícios encontrados na superfície textual de seu corebook; b) a análise da interação entre Autor e Leitor no processo de interpretação do texto do corebook de Vampire e de alguns suplementos, e c) a análise das possibilidades de leitura do discurso visual desse RPG. A partir dessas análises, o que se observa é que, ultrapassada a superfície textual, o discurso do livro de regras se torna mais centralizador; embora esse discurso seja evidentemente heterogêneo, e permita que o saber-poder interpretativo flua para o Leitor em determinados pontos, prevalecem os significados associados à posição discursiva do Autor - em outras palavras, a hipótese de pesquisa não é confirmada. Isso ocorre porque a análise efetuada concentrou-se no texto do livro de regras, ou seja, num domínio em que os significados são produzidos basicamente a partir da posição discursiva do Autor. Fica colocada a necessidade de efetuar uma outra análise, centrada no domínio da produção das narrativas particularizadas de cada grupo de jogo - domínio em que a produção de sentidos se faz a partir da posição do Leitor/Jogador, para que se possa ter uma compreensão global da prática de jogo de Vampire. / This research is set in the theoretic field of the French Discourse Analysis; contributions by other authors, such as Mikhail Bakhtin, Norman Fairclough, Gunther Kress and Theo van Leeuwen are also used, since their theoretical standpoints are compatible with the one to which we subscribe. The object of this study, the roleplaying game Vampire: The Masquerade, attracts academic interest because of its avowed intention to let the reader do as he/she wills, stimulating the free re-creation and interpretation of its rules. The central hypothesis of this research is that a new power relation is established between the discursive positions of the Author\'s and the Reader\'s, in which the latter is empowered as the privileged position for the production of meanings. In order to determine to what extent this dispersion of power-knowledge really happens, this research will analyse the discursive workings of this RPG, that is, how the Reader interacts with the game, which discursive formations are present in the game, what meanings they uphold, and how they affect the Reader\'s discursive practices, and thus his/her social practices. The unevennesses of the discourse are the raw data for this analysis. Three dimensions of the game will be analysed: a) the characterization of Vampire: The Masquerade\'s implied Reader, according to the evidence found on the text of its corebook; b) the analysis of the interaction between Author and Reader in the process of interpretation of the text of the corebook and some other supplements, and c) the analysis of the possible readings of the visual discourse of this RPG. From these analyses, it can be observed that the discourse of Vampire\'s corebook is essentially centralizing in relation to its interpretations; although, at some points, a certain degree of empowerment of the Reader can be observed, the Author remains as the main source of acceptable interpretations of the discourse of the game - in other words, the central hypothesis of this research was not verified. This is so because of the domain in which this research was conducted - the domain on the interaction between the Reader and the textbook, in which most meanings emanate from the Author\'s discursive position. It remains a task for the future to conduct another researched centred on the domain of the production of the narratives of individual roleplaying groups - a domain in which the meanings predominantly emanate from the Reader\'s discursive position - in order to achieve a full comprehension of this game.

Made available in DSpace on 2015-03-05T18:12:38Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 4 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / O presente estudo tem por objetivo descrever as trocas interacionais entre um médico e seus pacientes diagnosticados/as com diabetes. Em pacientes com essa doença, a aderência ao tratamento é fator importante, topicalizado em todas as consultas. Uma alta aderência auxilia o/a paciente a atingir bons níveis de controle da doença e, consequentemente, melhor qualidade de vida. Por isso, objetivamos averiguar de que forma as questões de aderência emergem nas interações. Para tanto, dados foram coletados em dois postos de saúde do SUS localizados na região metropolitana de Porto Alegre e foram analisados através das ferramentas da Análise da Conversa (SACKS, 1992). De acordo com essa metodologia, os dados devem direcionar o olhar da pesquisadora para o que for mais relevante e/ou recorrente de ser analisado. Dessa forma, percebeu-se que momentos de negociação entre o médico e os/as pacientes eram bastante recorrentes e que esses momentos estavam pautados sobre diferentes tópicos relacionados ao tratamento. As anál / This study aims at describing interactional exchanges between a doctor and his patients with diagnosis of diabetes. For patients who have this illness, the adherence to the treatment is an important factor, being a topic in every consultation. High adherence helps the patient to reach good levels of control of the illness and, consequently, have a better quality of life. Therefore, we investigate how issues of adherence emerge in interactions. To do so, data were collected in two public health care buildings located in the metropolitan region of Porto Alegre and where later analyzed through the tools of Conversation Analysis (SACKS, 1992). According to this methodology, the data directs the eye of the researcher to what is more relevant and/or recurrent to be analyzed. Thus, they pointed that moments of negotiation were rather recurrent among the doctor and the patients and it was evident that these moments addressed different topics related to the treatment. The analyses show that these negotiations emerge w

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-25T20:19:53Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Paulo Baltazar.pdf: 12348587 bytes, checksum: 62c8227228c6a07eedab0e1866fa84fa (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-05-31 / Fundação Ford / In the 1980s, several government-sponsored projects were directed at improving the relationship between the Terena people and the white population. The most recent of those projects the construction of a gas pipeline running from Bolivia to Brazil served as a test case in that relationship. The negotiations around the implementation of the project brought to the surface the contrast between the decision making process which is characteristic of the Terena people and that of the non-indigenous authorities and their organizations in question. Up until then, the Terena leadership had never been consulted or invited to participate in the planning stage of projects aimed at the indigenous population. As a consequence, most of those projects and public policies have failed, due to the fact that they had been decided in the offices of the bureaucrats without the input of the receptors. The highlight of the gas pipeline project negotiations happened during a meeting between the representatives of the national and international agencies involved in the project, on the one hand, and the Terena leadership, on the other, whose venue was in Campo Grande, the capital of the State. On that occasion, the Terena clashed with the white representatives who proposed using the geographical distance between the Terena settlements and the actual pipeline as the sole factor in the financial compensation for the impact which the project would have on the indigenous territory and population. The argument advanced by the Terena leadership, at the time, was that the criterion proposed was contrary to their traditional decision making process. The Terena make their group decisions on the basis of the interaction between the extended family groups as well as the reciprocity of interests within their communities. The present study describes and analyzes negotiation which took place around the gas pipeline project vis-à-vis the features of the decision-making process which is characteristic of the Terena people. The chronology of the negotiation process is given as well as the attending results which derived from the entire process itself / Na década de 1980 vários foram os projetos de políticas publicas destinados aos Terena no Distrito de Taunay, com objetivo de facilitar a relação dos povos indígenas com o mundo do branco. O projeto mais recente foi a construção do Gasoduto Bolivia-Brasil que passa nas proximidades das terras indígenas, servindo de marco revelador no processo de negociação e de decisão das lideranças Terena. Até então as lideranças Terena nunca foram convidadas e nem tão pouco consultadas para participar na elaboração dos projetos destinados as populações indígenas. Como conseqüência, a maioria dos projetos de políticas publica fracassaram em decorrência de serem construídos em gabinetes, sem a participação da parte interessada. O fator mais importante nesta construção do Gasoduto foi a reunião que aconteceu, em Campo Grande-MS, entre os representantes institucionais nacionais e internacionais envolvidos no projeto e as lideranças indígenas. As lideranças Terena reprovaram a metodologia apresentada na reunião que usava a distancia como critério empregado pela empresa responsável na construção do Gasbol. As lideranças Terena argumentaram que o critério de distancia não faz parte do processo decisório dos Terena, que se baseia na interação entre grupos familiares extensas, bem como a reciprocidade no interesse comum e que são povos unidos independente de distancia. Passados dez anos, a implantação do Gasoduto, os recursos aplicados nas aldeias em sua maior parte não trouxeram resultados desejados. A explicação de certos fracassos tem como matriz a desvalorização e desconhecimento do processo decisório do Terena

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T14:52:33Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Paulo Baltazar.pdf: 12348587 bytes, checksum: 62c8227228c6a07eedab0e1866fa84fa (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-05-31 / Fundação Ford / In the 1980s, several government-sponsored projects were directed at improving the relationship between the Terena people and the white population. The most recent of those projects the construction of a gas pipeline running from Bolivia to Brazil served as a test case in that relationship. The negotiations around the implementation of the project brought to the surface the contrast between the decision making process which is characteristic of the Terena people and that of the non-indigenous authorities and their organizations in question. Up until then, the Terena leadership had never been consulted or invited to participate in the planning stage of projects aimed at the indigenous population. As a consequence, most of those projects and public policies have failed, due to the fact that they had been decided in the offices of the bureaucrats without the input of the receptors. The highlight of the gas pipeline project negotiations happened during a meeting between the representatives of the national and international agencies involved in the project, on the one hand, and the Terena leadership, on the other, whose venue was in Campo Grande, the capital of the State. On that occasion, the Terena clashed with the white representatives who proposed using the geographical distance between the Terena settlements and the actual pipeline as the sole factor in the financial compensation for the impact which the project would have on the indigenous territory and population. The argument advanced by the Terena leadership, at the time, was that the criterion proposed was contrary to their traditional decision making process. The Terena make their group decisions on the basis of the interaction between the extended family groups as well as the reciprocity of interests within their communities. The present study describes and analyzes negotiation which took place around the gas pipeline project vis-à-vis the features of the decision-making process which is characteristic of the Terena people. The chronology of the negotiation process is given as well as the attending results which derived from the entire process itself / Na década de 1980 vários foram os projetos de políticas publicas destinados aos Terena no Distrito de Taunay, com objetivo de facilitar a relação dos povos indígenas com o mundo do branco. O projeto mais recente foi a construção do Gasoduto Bolivia-Brasil que passa nas proximidades das terras indígenas, servindo de marco revelador no processo de negociação e de decisão das lideranças Terena. Até então as lideranças Terena nunca foram convidadas e nem tão pouco consultadas para participar na elaboração dos projetos destinados as populações indígenas. Como conseqüência, a maioria dos projetos de políticas publica fracassaram em decorrência de serem construídos em gabinetes, sem a participação da parte interessada. O fator mais importante nesta construção do Gasoduto foi a reunião que aconteceu, em Campo Grande-MS, entre os representantes institucionais nacionais e internacionais envolvidos no projeto e as lideranças indígenas. As lideranças Terena reprovaram a metodologia apresentada na reunião que usava a distancia como critério empregado pela empresa responsável na construção do Gasbol. As lideranças Terena argumentaram que o critério de distancia não faz parte do processo decisório dos Terena, que se baseia na interação entre grupos familiares extensas, bem como a reciprocidade no interesse comum e que são povos unidos independente de distancia. Passados dez anos, a implantação do Gasoduto, os recursos aplicados nas aldeias em sua maior parte não trouxeram resultados desejados. A explicação de certos fracassos tem como matriz a desvalorização e desconhecimento do processo decisório do Terena

O principal objetivo deste trabalho é entender como coalizões de países em desenvolvimento são bem-sucedidas nas negociações do GATT (General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade) e da Organização Mundial de Comércio (OMC). Normalmente, sustenta-se que coalizões temáticas são mais bem-sucedidas do que grupos abrangentes (Higgot e Cooper, 1990; Cooper, Higgot e Nossal, 1990); e que coalizões com maiores recursos de poder são mais bem-sucedidas do que grupos fracos (Narlikar, 2003). Como hipótese alternativa, sugerimos que quanto maior for o grau de abertura comercial da coalizão - ((exportações+importações)/PIB) - maior será a chance de elas serem bemsucedidas nas negociações do GATT/OMC. Utilizaremos uma abordagem multimétodos (qualitativa e quantitativa) para realizar nossa pesquisa. Analisaremos um número (N) médio (entre 28 a 39 casos) de coalizões internacionais para descobrir quais as principais causas dos sucessos e fracassos destes grupos de países. Codificaremos a variável dependente (sucesso versus fracasso) conforme as descrições de casos particulares conduzidos por pesquisadores independentes. A variável independente categórica (coalizões temáticas versus abrangentes) será mensurada segundo procedimento semelhante. Por fim, o PIB agregado das coalizões (nossa medida de poder) e a abertura comercial agregada e abertura comercial média das coalizões (nossas medidas de abertura comercial) foram coletadas na base de dados Penn World Table 6.2. Os trabalhos que conhecemos sobre o tema utilizam a abordagem qualitativa de maneira pura, especialmente estudos de casso. Assim, até onde sabemos, este trabalho realizará a primeira análise estatística sobre o tema. / The main goal of this study is to understand how developing country coalitions obtain benefits in the GATT/WTO negotiations. Usually it is argued that issue-based coalitions are more successful than broad-based groups (Higgot and Cooper, 1990; Cooper, Higgot and Nossal, 1990), and that powerful coalitions are more successful than weaker ones (Narlikar, 2003). Alternatively, we suggest that the greater the degree of trade openness - ((exports+imports)/GDP) - the greater the chance that they will succeed in the GATT/WTO negotiations. We use a mix-method approach (qualitative and quantitative) to conduct our research. We will analyze a medium-N (from 28 to 39) cases of international coalitions to find out the main causes of coalitions\' successes and failures. We will code our dependent variable (success versus failure) according to cases studies conducted by independent researchers. Our categorical independent variable (issue-based versus broad-based coalitions) will be measured adopting the same procedure. Finally, aggregate GDP - our measure of power -, aggregate trade openness and mean aggregate trade openness of the coalitions - our measures of trade openness - were collected in the Penn World Table 6.2. To the best of our knowledge, this is the first statistical analysis on the subject.

Leadership has been claimed to be a critical determinant of success and failure in international negotiations. This thesis brings together the study of leadership in multilateral negotiations with the emerging discipline of climate change-induced human mobility. This is done by investigating the prevalence of leadership in the climate change and human mobility nexus, looking at three different actors: the Alliance of Small Island States, Bangladesh and Norway. These actors were analyzed in two different ways: first, by describing how each actor exercise leadership using an analytical framework informed by leadership theories. Second, by investigating whether these actors seem to be recognized as leaders by others, conducting and analyzing a survey from the United Nations Climate Change Conference 2018, COP24. The results indicate that all three actors can be said to exercise leadership in the area of climate change-induced migration, although they exercise leadership in slightly different ways. Out of the three actors that were analyzed, AOSIS was the only actor that seemed to be recognized by others as a leader in the effort to address climate change-induced human mobility.

The aim of the thesis is to analyze mutual business cooperation between the Czech Republic and Finland considering culture and cultural differences as an aspect with a considerable influence. Special attention is paid to the process of business negotiations. These two countries are compared on the basis of cultural dimensions by Geert Hofstede as well as on the basis of research conducted in cooperation with native Finns.

This thesis is a history of American and British efforts to halt or retard the Pakistani nuclear weapons programme. It assesses US and UK non-proliferation policy towards Pakistan from the Indian nuclear test of May 1974 to the decline of anti-proliferation activity in 1979 and 1980. A broadly chronological analysis of key government and media sources from American and British archives highlights the development of non-proliferation policy and the factors that influenced anti-proliferation activity. Scrutiny of British-and not just American-involvement in Pakistan's nuclear programme permits an assessment of the existence of a 'non-proliferation special relationship' between Washington and London. This study demonstrates that successive British governments played a significant role in creating, shaping, and at times adversely affecting, non-proliferation activity on the sub-continent. Additionally, this thesis demonstrates that the UK frequently deprioritised non-proliferation concerns in favour of economic considerations, creating tension between London and Washington. Thus, it is shown that there was a close working relationship between the US and UK governments, but the relationship was riven with fissures. Alongside this examination of British policy, this study also examines American policy and attitudes, demonstrating that infighting and conflicts between strategic priorities impaired the effectiveness of American non-proliferation policy. Furthermore, this study offers a detailed examination of the cultural underpinnings of UK-US non-proliferation policy directed against Pakistan. It demonstrates that-contrary to popular and long-lasting media representations-the paradigm of an 'Islamic bomb' played no part in the creation and application of non-proliferation policy. This thesis makes it clear that in UK-US efforts to halt or retard Pakistani nuclear attainment, issues of credibility and global standing were far more significant than religious factors. Overall, this study examines a key moment in non-proliferation history and offers new findings on the Anglo-American relationship and the role of cultural factors in shaping foreign policy.

The aim of this study is to analyse the contents in texts about the intra-Syrian peace negotiations, as well as identify latent political meanings, through examining how the sides of the war are portrayed in al-Jazeera´s coverage. Dr Zainab Abdul-Nabi suggests in her analysis of al-Jazeera´s coverage of another event in the Syrian war, namely the chemical attack in Ghouta, that al-Jazeera has a catalysing role in the Arab Spring when covering the Syrian war in particular. This study continues along those lines that Abdul-Nabi suggests by analysing the coverage of another event in the Syrian war – the UN-led intra-Syrian peace negotiations. Purposefully, this study should increase the awareness of how political meanings could be hidden in texts. The theory of agenda setting, a theory by Walter Lippman which was further developed by McCombs and Shaw, is used in this study: media set the agenda by inserting certain portraits of how things are and what the society should be concerned about. Content analysis is the method used to perform this study, following Halperin and Heath´s model. By interpreting articles from an influential media source – al-Jazeera – the analysis shows that the examined texts portray the opposition as protagonists against a brutal government, plausibly making the media source a part of the war since the texts attempt to set the agenda that a certain side is the protagonists and another is the antagonists. Underplaying the potential capacities of the peace negotiations and not compromising with the other side is evident, as well as holding the other side responsible of the hostilities in the war, in the texts, hence having a catalysing role with its coverage in the war. Also, the texts tend to leave out details concerning the other side (the government side), portraying the opposition to be representing the people..