<p>The relations between Greece and Turkey have developed at an unprecedented level in recent years. Behind this development lay certain factors notably the Simitis Governments’ strategy of redefining the parameters of Greek national interests in foreign policy and the Turkish Governments’ subsequent positive responses to this favorable atmosphere. It is thus possible to use the term ‘détente’ to refer to the period which dates back to 1996, the rise of Simitis to the Greek premiership. Some observers on Greco-Turkish Relations tend to trace the origins of Greco-Turkish détente to the devastating 17 August earthquake in Turkey. Some others try to find the origin of détente in the 1999 Helsinki Summit where Turkey was offered the candidacy status for the EU membership. This thesis proposes an alternative approach by defending the view that the rise of Simitis to the prime ministry itself heralded the chain of events which would later pave the road to the relaxation of Greco-Turkish Relations.</p><p>This thesis is a modest attempt to understand the anatomy of Simitis Leadership and its reflections on Greco-Turkish Relations. On the basis of certain turning points in a chronological fashion, it will uncover the background of an eight-year ruling term with its ups and downs. There is an irony in Greco-Turkish Relations: Outbreak of crises between the two neighbors led both the Greek and the Turkish political actors to re-examine their attitude in the following phase of their relationship. In the Simitis Era, the tensions created opportunities for building up networks of cooperation initiatives to a certain extent. I also argue here that spillover logic in Greco-Turkish Relations has started working- albeit cautiously- and that this spirit could be sustainable if managed by both sides wisely. Continuation of the Greco-Turkish détente even after the governmental change in Athens in April 2004 demonstrates that the Simitis Leadership has determined a new framework for Greco- Turkish Relations. This framework has been set through pushing Turkey to the future EU membership orientation and setting mechanisms of reward/punishment (or carrot/stick) policy on Turkey’s route to Brussels through the EU.</p>

After Cold war, the trend of economical globalization has led the region cooperation development. As China is going to focus on economic growing, its good neighborhood policy is most important especially in East Asia.In 2002, ASEAN and China decide to build up a free trade area between each other. The China-ASEAN free trade area is expected to be an important economic area in 2010. The study is using Neo-functionalism to analyze China¡¦s policy in East Asia.To explore the China-ASEAN Free Trade Area ,its circumstance and development.

O processo de integração regional busca implementar o atendimento de questões gerais que os Estados Nacionais, pela sua limitação de recursos, não conseguem enfrentar isoladamente. O exemplo mais tangível destes processos no sistema internacional é a integração europeia. Na América do Sul, embora exista um número significativo de instituições com o objetivo de fomentar a integração regional, ela não tem evoluído. As disputas políticas e fiscais têm embaçado a visão dos principais atores que poderiam estimular essa nova ordem regional. Contudo algumas áreas, sobretudo aquelas que possuem um baixo nível de controvérsias, podem incentivar ou até mesmo incrementar o processo de integração regional. No continente sul americano, o setor elétrico, pela a abundância de recursos de fontes primárias para geração, poderá ser o elemento catalizador desse novo sistema de cooperação. Assim, esse trabalho analisou como a Comunidade Europeia para o Carvão e o Aço (ECSC/CECA) impulsionou a integração europeia, com o objetivo de verificar o potencial sinérgico para a cooperação que uma eventual instituição supranacional de energia elétrica teria para estimular a integração da América do Sul. A experiência europeia foi utilizada, portanto, como um caso de controle e comparação, para verificar se as condições de integração ocorridas naquele continente podem se assemelhar com aquelas do processo sul-americano. Nesse sentido, utilizando o referencial teórico Neo-funcionalista de Ernst Haas e sua micro-teoria do spill-over ou desborde, o estudo pretendeu observar se esse tipo de fenômeno pode ser repetido no caso de uma possível constituição de um sistema elétrico integrado na América do Sul. Para isso, verificam-se os elementos contextuais, a forma e o conteúdo dos discursos sobre a integração realizados no interior dos principais blocos da região, bem como se interrelacionam os grupos políticos, os grupos de interesse e os governos nacionais a respeito da questão. O trabalho utiliza pesquisas do Latinobarômetro, documentos das principais intituições para integração na região e um trabalho realizado pelo NUPRI/USP sobre integração sul americana. Ainda que os aspectos sociais, econômicos e políticos sejam diferentes da experiência europeia, o trabalho colheu evidências convergentes e satisfatórias para a formação do spill-over, a partir da eventual integração do setor energético na América do Sul, apontando assim, para a possibilidade de construção de um processo de integração regional que pode ser explicado e inspirado pela teoria Neofuncionalista. / The regional integration process seeks to implement the care of general issues that the National States, for its limited resources, can not cope alone. The most tangible example of these processes in the international system is European integration. In South America, although there are a significant number of institutions in order to foster regional integration, it has not evolved. Policies and tax disputes have blurry vision of the key players that could stimulate this new regional order. However some areas, especially those with a low level of disputes, can encourage or even enhance the process of regional integration. In the South American continent, the electric sector by the abundance of resources for primary generation sources may be the catalyst element of this new system of cooperation. Thus, this study examined how the European Community for Coal and Steel Community (ECSC) boosted European integration, with the aim of verifying the synergistic potential for cooperation that any supranational institution of electricity would have to stimulate the integration of South America. The European experience was therefore used as a case-control comparison and to verify that the conditions of integration occurring in that continent may be similar to those of the South American process. Accordingly, using the theoretical framework Neo-functionalism of Ernst Haas and his micro-theory of spillover or overflowing, the study aimed to observe whether this type of phenomenon can be repeated in case of a possible establishment of an integrated electric system in America South. For this, there are contextual elements, the form and content of the discourse on integration performed inside the main blocks in the region, as well as interrelate political groups, interest groups and national governments on the issue. The work uses surveys of Latinbarometer, documents the main institutions for integration in the region and work done by NUPRI / USP on South American integration. While the social, economic and political aspects are different from the European experience, work reaped satisfactory convergent and for the formation of the spill-over from the eventual integration of the energy sector in South American evidence, thus pointing to the possibility of construction of a regional integration process that can be explained and inspired by the Neo-functionalist theory.

O processo de integração regional busca implementar o atendimento de questões gerais que os Estados Nacionais, pela sua limitação de recursos, não conseguem enfrentar isoladamente. O exemplo mais tangível destes processos no sistema internacional é a integração europeia. Na América do Sul, embora exista um número significativo de instituições com o objetivo de fomentar a integração regional, ela não tem evoluído. As disputas políticas e fiscais têm embaçado a visão dos principais atores que poderiam estimular essa nova ordem regional. Contudo algumas áreas, sobretudo aquelas que possuem um baixo nível de controvérsias, podem incentivar ou até mesmo incrementar o processo de integração regional. No continente sul americano, o setor elétrico, pela a abundância de recursos de fontes primárias para geração, poderá ser o elemento catalizador desse novo sistema de cooperação. Assim, esse trabalho analisou como a Comunidade Europeia para o Carvão e o Aço (ECSC/CECA) impulsionou a integração europeia, com o objetivo de verificar o potencial sinérgico para a cooperação que uma eventual instituição supranacional de energia elétrica teria para estimular a integração da América do Sul. A experiência europeia foi utilizada, portanto, como um caso de controle e comparação, para verificar se as condições de integração ocorridas naquele continente podem se assemelhar com aquelas do processo sul-americano. Nesse sentido, utilizando o referencial teórico Neo-funcionalista de Ernst Haas e sua micro-teoria do spill-over ou desborde, o estudo pretendeu observar se esse tipo de fenômeno pode ser repetido no caso de uma possível constituição de um sistema elétrico integrado na América do Sul. Para isso, verificam-se os elementos contextuais, a forma e o conteúdo dos discursos sobre a integração realizados no interior dos principais blocos da região, bem como se interrelacionam os grupos políticos, os grupos de interesse e os governos nacionais a respeito da questão. O trabalho utiliza pesquisas do Latinobarômetro, documentos das principais intituições para integração na região e um trabalho realizado pelo NUPRI/USP sobre integração sul americana. Ainda que os aspectos sociais, econômicos e políticos sejam diferentes da experiência europeia, o trabalho colheu evidências convergentes e satisfatórias para a formação do spill-over, a partir da eventual integração do setor energético na América do Sul, apontando assim, para a possibilidade de construção de um processo de integração regional que pode ser explicado e inspirado pela teoria Neofuncionalista. / The regional integration process seeks to implement the care of general issues that the National States, for its limited resources, can not cope alone. The most tangible example of these processes in the international system is European integration. In South America, although there are a significant number of institutions in order to foster regional integration, it has not evolved. Policies and tax disputes have blurry vision of the key players that could stimulate this new regional order. However some areas, especially those with a low level of disputes, can encourage or even enhance the process of regional integration. In the South American continent, the electric sector by the abundance of resources for primary generation sources may be the catalyst element of this new system of cooperation. Thus, this study examined how the European Community for Coal and Steel Community (ECSC) boosted European integration, with the aim of verifying the synergistic potential for cooperation that any supranational institution of electricity would have to stimulate the integration of South America. The European experience was therefore used as a case-control comparison and to verify that the conditions of integration occurring in that continent may be similar to those of the South American process. Accordingly, using the theoretical framework Neo-functionalism of Ernst Haas and his micro-theory of spillover or overflowing, the study aimed to observe whether this type of phenomenon can be repeated in case of a possible establishment of an integrated electric system in America South. For this, there are contextual elements, the form and content of the discourse on integration performed inside the main blocks in the region, as well as interrelate political groups, interest groups and national governments on the issue. The work uses surveys of Latinbarometer, documents the main institutions for integration in the region and work done by NUPRI / USP on South American integration. While the social, economic and political aspects are different from the European experience, work reaped satisfactory convergent and for the formation of the spill-over from the eventual integration of the energy sector in South American evidence, thus pointing to the possibility of construction of a regional integration process that can be explained and inspired by the Neo-functionalist theory.

O processo de integração regional busca implementar o atendimento de questões gerais que os Estados Nacionais, pela sua limitação de recursos, não conseguem enfrentar isoladamente. O exemplo mais tangível destes processos no sistema internacional é a integração europeia. Na América do Sul, embora exista um número significativo de instituições com o objetivo de fomentar a integração regional, ela não tem evoluído. As disputas políticas e fiscais têm embaçado a visão dos principais atores que poderiam estimular essa nova ordem regional. Contudo algumas áreas, sobretudo aquelas que possuem um baixo nível de controvérsias, podem incentivar ou até mesmo incrementar o processo de integração regional. No continente sul americano, o setor elétrico, pela a abundância de recursos de fontes primárias para geração, poderá ser o elemento catalizador desse novo sistema de cooperação. Assim, esse trabalho analisou como a Comunidade Europeia para o Carvão e o Aço (ECSC/CECA) impulsionou a integração europeia, com o objetivo de verificar o potencial sinérgico para a cooperação que uma eventual instituição supranacional de energia elétrica teria para estimular a integração da América do Sul. A experiência europeia foi utilizada, portanto, como um caso de controle e comparação, para verificar se as condições de integração ocorridas naquele continente podem se assemelhar com aquelas do processo sul-americano. Nesse sentido, utilizando o referencial teórico Neo-funcionalista de Ernst Haas e sua micro-teoria do spill-over ou desborde, o estudo pretendeu observar se esse tipo de fenômeno pode ser repetido no caso de uma possível constituição de um sistema elétrico integrado na América do Sul. Para isso, verificam-se os elementos contextuais, a forma e o conteúdo dos discursos sobre a integração realizados no interior dos principais blocos da região, bem como se interrelacionam os grupos políticos, os grupos de interesse e os governos nacionais a respeito da questão. O trabalho utiliza pesquisas do Latinobarômetro, documentos das principais intituições para integração na região e um trabalho realizado pelo NUPRI/USP sobre integração sul americana. Ainda que os aspectos sociais, econômicos e políticos sejam diferentes da experiência europeia, o trabalho colheu evidências convergentes e satisfatórias para a formação do spill-over, a partir da eventual integração do setor energético na América do Sul, apontando assim, para a possibilidade de construção de um processo de integração regional que pode ser explicado e inspirado pela teoria Neofuncionalista. / The regional integration process seeks to implement the care of general issues that the National States, for its limited resources, can not cope alone. The most tangible example of these processes in the international system is European integration. In South America, although there are a significant number of institutions in order to foster regional integration, it has not evolved. Policies and tax disputes have blurry vision of the key players that could stimulate this new regional order. However some areas, especially those with a low level of disputes, can encourage or even enhance the process of regional integration. In the South American continent, the electric sector by the abundance of resources for primary generation sources may be the catalyst element of this new system of cooperation. Thus, this study examined how the European Community for Coal and Steel Community (ECSC) boosted European integration, with the aim of verifying the synergistic potential for cooperation that any supranational institution of electricity would have to stimulate the integration of South America. The European experience was therefore used as a case-control comparison and to verify that the conditions of integration occurring in that continent may be similar to those of the South American process. Accordingly, using the theoretical framework Neo-functionalism of Ernst Haas and his micro-theory of spillover or overflowing, the study aimed to observe whether this type of phenomenon can be repeated in case of a possible establishment of an integrated electric system in America South. For this, there are contextual elements, the form and content of the discourse on integration performed inside the main blocks in the region, as well as interrelate political groups, interest groups and national governments on the issue. The work uses surveys of Latinbarometer, documents the main institutions for integration in the region and work done by NUPRI / USP on South American integration. While the social, economic and political aspects are different from the European experience, work reaped satisfactory convergent and for the formation of the spill-over from the eventual integration of the energy sector in South American evidence, thus pointing to the possibility of construction of a regional integration process that can be explained and inspired by the Neo-functionalist theory.

Mercosur, som i dag består av Argentina, Brasilien, Paraguay, Uruguay och Venezuela, bildades 1994 i ett försök att förstärka det ekonomiska samarbetet och befästa den omogna demokratin i regionen. Regionalt samarbete inleddes även i avsikt att öka stabilitet och säkerhet i regionen då samarbetet föddes ur askan av en instabil och nedbruten ekonomi. Den dramatiska förändringen från ett inåtvänt militärt styre under större delen av 1900-talet till en liberalisering av både den ekonomiska och politiska sfären, var en annan anledning till regionalt samarbete. Den här uppsatsen behandlar sambandet mellan dessa två fenomen; regional integration och demokrati, och deras parallella utveckling. Den regionala integrationen i området kring Mercosur är annorlunda än andra integrationsprojekt genomförda i världen. Detta är till stor del på grund av den starka statliga interventionalism och presidentialism som historiskt haft en framträdande roll, tillsammans med avsaknad av insyn och brist på civil delaktighet i den politiska sfären. Dessa karakteristiska drag gör det svårt att applicera redan framtagna teorier på Mercosur då dessa främst är utarbetade med hänsyn till Europeiska Unionen. Utvecklingen mot demokrati är betraktad som nödvändighet i förändringsprocessen mot ett förbättrat regionalt samarbete och därmed också regional integration, trots att demokratin fortfarande är begränsad. / Mercosur, which today includes the member states Argentina, Brazil, Uruguay, Paraguay and Venezula, was created in 1994 in an attempt to enhance economic cooperation and consolidate democracy in the region. Regional cooperation was also initiated in order to increase stability and security in the region. This since the integration project surged out of the ashes of an unstable, broken economy and a recent shift from an introvert military regime towards a liberalisation of both the economical and the political sphere. This thesis treats the connection between these two phenomena; regional integration and democracy, and their parallel development. The regional integration through Mercosur is different to other integration projects. Among other things this is due to the strong history of state intervention and scarce civil participation, as well as a prominent presidentialism and a current lack of transparency. This makes the implementation of already existing theories that may explain the development of Mercosur hard to apply, since these theories are developed with consideration to the European Union. The development towards democracy is seen as an essential cornerstone in the shift towards a more cooperative stance between the regional neighbours. Even though democracy in the region still is of limited nature, its emergence promoted regional integration.

The aim of this study is to identify and assess policy preferences among European states from an empirical and theoretical angle. The focus of the empirical part will be the formulation and expression of foreign policy in France, UK, and Sweden during the processing and aftermath of the Lisbon Treaty. The overarching empirical objective is to situate the reader within the dynamics of the Common European Security and Defence (CSDP) institution in order to gain an appreciation of its main characteristics and current political trajectory. The study will then adopt a neo-functionalistic narrative when analyzing policy. This will allow the paper to test the explanatory validity of a grand theory in the CSDP, and make conclusions regarding the possibility to theoretically describe contemporary Europe. This study argues that neo-functionalism is inadequate in fully explaining the momentum of the European defence and security integration. However, this paper concludes that some aspects of the CSDP, such as the transformation from high to low politics, normative adjustments, and policy convergence, correspond with neo-functionalistic predictions.

After the Eastern enlargement in the year 2004 and 2007 the European Union is on the threshold of another expansion. Turkey and Croatia are the first countries that received the official candidate status. Turkey is the longest waiting contender for the adoption into the European Union structures; Croatia is the most anticipated candidate to receive the membership. The thesis "Comparison of preparedness of economies of Turkey and Croatia to join the European Union. " aims to compare the economic preparedness of these two countries for European Union full membership and also detects the cons and pros of possible integration. The goal of this thesis is to answer the question whether it is the theory of neo-realism or the theory of neo-functionalism that explains the current accession process of Turkey and Croatia to the European Union. In the past the European integration has overcome many obstacles, has achieved many substantial results and due to its effectiveness has managed to extend the territory of peace, stability and prosperity across the continent. The coming sixth wave of enlargement has a difficult goal but it is also a great challenge that can change again the map of European Union and extend its operation and influence into Asia Minor and the western Balkans.

The relations between Greece and Turkey have developed at an unprecedented level in recent years. Behind this development lay certain factors notably the Simitis Governments’ strategy of redefining the parameters of Greek national interests in foreign policy and the Turkish Governments’ subsequent positive responses to this favorable atmosphere. It is thus possible to use the term ‘détente’ to refer to the period which dates back to 1996, the rise of Simitis to the Greek premiership. Some observers on Greco-Turkish Relations tend to trace the origins of Greco-Turkish détente to the devastating 17 August earthquake in Turkey. Some others try to find the origin of détente in the 1999 Helsinki Summit where Turkey was offered the candidacy status for the EU membership. This thesis proposes an alternative approach by defending the view that the rise of Simitis to the prime ministry itself heralded the chain of events which would later pave the road to the relaxation of Greco-Turkish Relations. This thesis is a modest attempt to understand the anatomy of Simitis Leadership and its reflections on Greco-Turkish Relations. On the basis of certain turning points in a chronological fashion, it will uncover the background of an eight-year ruling term with its ups and downs. There is an irony in Greco-Turkish Relations: Outbreak of crises between the two neighbors led both the Greek and the Turkish political actors to re-examine their attitude in the following phase of their relationship. In the Simitis Era, the tensions created opportunities for building up networks of cooperation initiatives to a certain extent. I also argue here that spillover logic in Greco-Turkish Relations has started working- albeit cautiously- and that this spirit could be sustainable if managed by both sides wisely. Continuation of the Greco-Turkish détente even after the governmental change in Athens in April 2004 demonstrates that the Simitis Leadership has determined a new framework for Greco- Turkish Relations. This framework has been set through pushing Turkey to the future EU membership orientation and setting mechanisms of reward/punishment (or carrot/stick) policy on Turkey’s route to Brussels through the EU.

The study utilizes regional integration theories like neo-functionalism, intergovernmentalism and new regionalism to analyse the formation, structure and transformation of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS). It examines the role of ECOWAS as a sub-regional economic body and its transformation to a political and security body dealing with sub-regional conflict resolution. Though neo-functionalism is generally analysed in reference to European regional integration, the study attempts to draw some lessons from this theory. Also, new regionalism theory is utilized to examine the transformation of ECOWAS from a mere economic body to a security and political entity. Regionalism in West Africa was initially geared towards mere economic cooperation; however, the emergence of ECOWAS on the scene and its subsequent transformation witnessed several changes towards the path of security cooperation. Despite its involvement with the gigantic political and security related activities, a general evaluation of economic integration in West Africa depicts a low level of progress. The poor state of sub-regional economic integration shows that ECOWAS did not complete its regional economic integration agenda before diverting to other sectors of integration. ECOWAS peacekeeping operations have been the dominant topic in sub-regional conflict resolution in West Africa. However, other forms of conflict resolution, including mediation, negotiation, conciliation and arbitration have been severally utilized. Also, in some of the cases, peacekeeping operations have been deployed only after other peaceful efforts have failed. ECOWAS peacekeeping operations are divergent operations with different forms and mandates. Therefore, they are better analysed under the framework of peacekeeping, peace-enforcement and peace-making theories. ECOWAS peacekeeping operations have been a subject of debate by proponents of the principle of non-interference and those of the responsibility to protect. The expediency of military intervention for humanitarian reasons as well as the prevention of genocide, war crimes and catastrophic loss of lives has questioned the principle of non-interference and validated the principle of responsibility to protect. / Political Sciences / D. Litt. et Phil. (International Politics)